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The opposition parties formed a coalition government, ending the short-lived DPP regime
As the first light of dawn gently pierces the horizon, a new future for Taiwan slowly emerges on the skyline. It is a subtle and hopeful dawn, as if heralding the coming of an entirely new era. On March 19, when news of A-Bian being shot swept over like a cold wind, a lingering suspense gripped your heart—could this be yet another conspiracy designed to rob you of victory? Tomorrow, as the people’s ballot boxes reveal the truth, all mysteries will finally be laid bare.
After casting that sacred vote, you stroll to the imposing headquarters of the KMT, joining a grand assembly on the night of the vote count. Down below, thousands of people gather in a surging tide, each person clutching a flag adorned with the Blue Sky, White Sun, and a Red Ground. The KMT, the People First Party, the New Party—every pan-blue faction has converged beneath your soaring banner. In the midst of the crowd, the fluttering of countless flags weaves a picture of passionate unity, causing the light in your eyes to shimmer with a hazy mist.
Barely had the voting ended when the television screens began to flash with a torrent of numbers and announcements. The media launched into a frenzy of inflated figures. Although each station’s numbers were slightly exaggerated, the unanimous message was clear—Lien and Song were leading by a wide margin. At 4:02, one channel proclaimed that Lien and Song’s vote count had exceeded 100,000; shortly after, at 4:18, other channels reported figures over one million; at 4:30, a channel boldly announced three million votes; and even before 5:00, another channel declared the tally had surpassed five million. Frowning, you hurriedly checked the Central Election Commission’s website—only a mere 50,000-plus valid votes had been counted. This numerical game was nothing more than a media stunt designed to capture ratings.
As night deepens, the deep blue on the screen transforms into a vast, boundless ocean, gradually swallowing county after county. This beautiful island has chosen to embrace the same hue as the infinite sea; every sparkling pixel embodies the people's unwavering support for you. At this moment, it is no longer empty posturing or mere hype—it is an unassailable victory. From the very start of the count, Lien and Song’s lead was unshakable, and now it stands as firm as a rock. All the polls and predictions had long tilted in your favor; Taiwanese voters had come to expect this outcome. Yet when the final numbers burst forth on the screen, even you found yourself holding your breath, overwhelmed by the weight of victory.
With a vote share exceeding 55%, you have secured the eleventh presidency of the Republic of China—an outcome that had been meticulously planned by you and your campaign team. A-Bian’s cunning tricks never materialized; the scandals involving party assets, domestic violence, and property disputes—as well as the murky gunshot incident—failed to impact the result. Chen Shui-bian’s pitifully assembled campaign team and their populist tactics were utterly crushed by the mighty alliance of the KMT and the People First Party, becoming nothing more than a dismal chapter in history. The past four years seem like a nightmare you whisper to yourself in the twilight.
At that moment, the telephone rings, carrying a tone of surrender from A-Bian. You respond courteously yet firmly, as that small-town man from Tainan on the other end of the line can only begrudgingly admit that his victory was nothing but a stroke of luck he never deserved. Though a secret thrill of triumph stirs within you, you know you must maintain your dignity and swallow that sneer deep inside.
After enduring his feeble ramblings, you finally feel a long-awaited sense of release. Just then, the grand doors of the party headquarters suddenly swing open, as if beckoning you to step outside.
“Chairman Lien—no, President! The crowd outside demands that you address them!”
Song Chu-yu rushes in, his face alight with uncontainable excitement and anticipation. Outside, the roar of the assembled masses shakes every stone of the building.
At that moment, you know—it is time to step forward into your moment of glory.
Lien-Song Triumph – Over 57% of the Vote, Defeating A-bian
Huge victory for the KMT-PFP alliance! The Taiwanese people's trial of the Chen's government!
When a battle isn’t fought until the very last second, the final victor remains a mystery until the end. More than a year of relentless campaigning has left Taiwanese society utterly exhausted, and today, March 20, marks that final finish line. In the instant that every ballot is cast, all the rallies, verbal duels, backdoor maneuvers, and covert plots dissolve into dust, swept away by the torrent of history.
After casting your vote, you return to the massive Kuomintang headquarters at No. 11 Zhongshan South Road in Zhongzheng District—a magnificent edifice that gazes directly upon the Presidential Office. Its façade is adorned with enormous Lien-Song campaign posters, billowing like a flag in the wind. There, you stand shoulder to shoulder with Song Chu- yu, hand in hand, smiling at each other like battle-hardened comrades and like-minded revolutionaries. Yet everyone still remembers how, four years ago, you once hurled bitter accusations at each other like sworn enemies. Now, you have joined forces, vowing to end the political fate of that A bian who stole the presidential seat from the cracks. He was nothing more than a thief who purloined the throne that rightfully belonged to you.
The chair in the Presidential Office had been meticulously crafted to your exact dimensions, yet fate saw it occupied by A bian—forcing him to resort to placing glass shims beneath it to compensate for his shorter stature. But in a few days, those makeshift adjustments can be removed.
News footage streams continuously across television screens, like a ceaseless drama unfolding before our eyes. An old man, enraged, smears his ballot until it’s invalidated; unruly voters are hauled away by the police; images of celebrities and political figures casting their votes flash by one after another—but none of this manages to capture your interest. You fix your gaze on a dull, gray map of Taiwan, silently waiting to see how its shape might change in a few hours.After 4:00 p.m., the vote-reporting systems at major TV stations spring into action. Numbers begin to leap across the screens like raindrops, each channel presenting slightly different data, obviously padded with extra figures. Yet every medium conveys the same message—Lien-Song is in a commanding lead. This fills you with relief and reinforces your conviction that victory is secure.
At 4:02, one station announces that the vote count has already surpassed 100,000; by 4:18, several channels report that the one million mark has been broken; at 4:30, one channel reveals a tally of three million votes; and before 5:00, yet another station claims a count exceeding five million. Alarmed, you quickly check the Central Election Commission’s website, only to find that the total number of valid votes is barely over 50,000. This numerical contest is nothing more than a gimmick by various TV stations to boost their ratings.
As dusk deepens, the authenticity of the votes becomes indisputable. The blue expanse on the screen grows ever more vivid—each pixel symbolizing the people’s resounding support for you. Lien-Song’s lead over A bian was formidable from the start, and now it is rock solid. This outcome hardly surprises you, for all the polls and forecasts have always been in your favor, and Taiwanese voters have long harbored such expectations. Yet the sheer magnitude of your vote share is almost unbelievable—even you struggle to believe that the minor scandals of party asset issues, family controversies, and shooting incidents have had no impact whatsoever on your support. How laughable! Did A bian truly think that by manipulating these trivial issues he could conceal his comprehensive failures over the past few years? Pathetic.
The Taiwanese people have made their choice: you will win decisively with a vote share exceeding 57%, outpacing A bian by over one million votes, sweeping the island. It was long overdue—this clown only usurped the presidential seat for four years, and now he must officially relinquish it to you. You will set things right and mend the nation’s myriad fissures left by the DPP’s four-year rule.
At that very moment, A-bian called, admitting his failure and conceding defeat at the rally—and even that old man, Lee Teng-hui, phoned in to congratulate you on your victory. Ha, we no longer need the approval of such people. I am the master of my own destiny.
Outside, tens of thousands of supporters await, their voices rising in unison, chanting the names Lien Chan! Song Chu-yu! Your wife gently takes your hand and urges you to step out and address the crowd. Chairman Song Chu- yu is already mingling with the people, as a female host’s microphone carries the resounding calls of “Hello, President!” and “Hello, Vice President!” across the plaza—voices that echo like thunder.
It is time to move forward. Step into the spotlight and embrace the destiny that awaits.
The Regime Trial of the Chen's Government is Over! The KMT-PFP Alliance Wins the 2004 Election!
The opposition parties formed a coalition government, ending the short-lived DPP regime
As the first light of dawn gently pierces the horizon, a new future for Taiwan slowly emerges on the skyline. It is a subtle and hopeful dawn, as if heralding the coming of an entirely new era. On March 19, when news of A-Bian being shot swept over like a cold wind, a lingering suspense gripped your heart—could this be yet another conspiracy designed to rob you of victory? Tomorrow, as the people’s ballot boxes reveal the truth, all mysteries will finally be laid bare.
After casting that sacred vote, you stroll to the imposing headquarters of the KMT, joining a grand assembly on the night of the vote count. Down below, thousands of people gather in a surging tide, each person clutching a flag adorned with the Blue Sky, White Sun, and a Red Ground. The KMT, the People First Party, the New Party—every pan-blue faction has converged beneath your soaring banner. In the midst of the crowd, the fluttering of countless flags weaves a picture of passionate unity, causing the light in your eyes to shimmer with a hazy mist.
Barely had the voting ended when the television screens began to flash with a torrent of numbers and announcements. The media launched into a frenzy of inflated figures. Although each station’s numbers were slightly exaggerated, the unanimous message was clear—Lien and Song were leading by a wide margin. At 4:02, one channel proclaimed that Lien and Song’s vote count had exceeded 100,000; shortly after, at 4:18, other channels reported figures over one million; at 4:30, a channel boldly announced three million votes; and even before 5:00, another channel declared the tally had surpassed five million. Frowning, you hurriedly checked the Central Election Commission’s website—only a mere 50,000-plus valid votes had been counted. This numerical game was nothing more than a media stunt designed to capture ratings.
As night deepens, the deep blue on the screen transforms into a vast, boundless ocean, gradually swallowing county after county. This beautiful island has chosen to embrace the same hue as the infinite sea; every sparkling pixel embodies the people's unwavering support for you. At this moment, it is no longer empty posturing or mere hype—it is an unassailable victory. From the very start of the count, Lien and Song’s lead was unshakable, and now it stands as firm as a rock. All the polls and predictions had long tilted in your favor; Taiwanese voters had come to expect this outcome. Yet when the final numbers burst forth on the screen, even you found yourself holding your breath, overwhelmed by the weight of victory.
With a vote share exceeding 55%, you have secured the eleventh presidency of the Republic of China—an outcome that had been meticulously planned by you and your campaign team. A-Bian’s cunning tricks never materialized; the scandals involving party assets, domestic violence, and property disputes—as well as the murky gunshot incident—failed to impact the result. Chen Shui-bian’s pitifully assembled campaign team and their populist tactics were utterly crushed by the mighty alliance of the KMT and the People First Party, becoming nothing more than a dismal chapter in history. The past four years seem like a nightmare you whisper to yourself in the twilight.
At that moment, the telephone rings, carrying a tone of surrender from A-Bian. You respond courteously yet firmly, as that small-town man from Tainan on the other end of the line can only begrudgingly admit that his victory was nothing but a stroke of luck he never deserved. Though a secret thrill of triumph stirs within you, you know you must maintain your dignity and swallow that sneer deep inside.
After enduring his feeble ramblings, you finally feel a long-awaited sense of release. Just then, the grand doors of the party headquarters suddenly swing open, as if beckoning you to step outside.
“Chairman Lien—no, President! The crowd outside demands that you address them!”
Song Chu-yu rushes in, his face alight with uncontainable excitement and anticipation. Outside, the roar of the assembled masses shakes every stone of the building.
At that moment, you know—it is time to step forward into your moment of glory.
The KMT-PFP Alliance defeats the DPP! The unpopularity of the Chen Shui‑bian administration has led to its downfall!
A coalition government and shadow cabinet have already made their appearance! The Kuomintang is steering a new future!
It is an exhilarating day. After completing the final campaign event, you and your wife return home, your bodies heavy with exhaustion. In the warm corner of your home, it seems as though all your trials and attacks—relentless slanders against your family life and endless speculations about your private property—have been borne. These disturbances seem never-ending. Yet the clock for tomorrow’s vote has quietly drawn near, and in the silence, you have already tidied your bed, attempting to forge a brief truce with sleep.
Although the internal polls from the campaign headquarters continue to sing the triumphant praises of Lien‑Song’s lead, an indescribable unease wells up in your heart. The shadows of the shooting incident, A‑bian’s cunning provocations and vote‑mobilization tactics, flicker before your eyes like hazy phantoms, but you decide to cast them aside, to be judged only tomorrow. The glasses on your bedside table lie silently, as if bearing witness to your restless, sleepless night.
At 4:00 p.m., as soon as voting ends, dense numbers and urgent announcements begin flashing across television screens. Media outlets compete to report exaggerated vote counts: at 4:02, one station announces that Lien‑Song’s vote count has broken 100,000; shortly thereafter, at 4:18, several channels report that the one‑million mark has been surpassed; at 4:30, another channel shouts out a tally of three million votes; and even before 5:00, yet another station claims the count has reached five million. You furrow your brow and hurriedly check the Central Election Commission’s website—only to find that the actual number of valid votes amounts to a mere 50,000. It turns out these numbers are nothing more than a gimmick by the media to attract higher ratings.
The election is closer than even your most obedient campaign aides and junior party members had imagined. During the vote counting, there was a moment when you feared you might lose the election. Fortunately, as votes from northern Taiwan and the Taoyuan-Hsinchu-Miaoli region began pouring in like a tide, A‑bian’s face visibly darkened. Although the votes in the central regions remain neck-and-neck, a difference of only a few percentage points could tip the balance. Luckily, this time, the majority of the people have chosen to stand with you.
In the end, you have ascended to the presidency as the 11th President of the Republic of China with a vote share exceeding 51%. Although this figure may not seem like a resounding victory, it is enough to erect an insurmountable defense. The policies and governance of the Kuomintang, in stark contrast to those of the Chen Shui‑bian administration, have attracted the support of more centrist voters. Whether it is unity, economic policy, or the commitment to cross‑strait relations, you appear far more reliable.
At the enthusiastic rally, the voices of the crowd reverberate throughout the entire building, and the staff remind you that it is now time to deliver your victory speech. Stealthily, you withdraw to a quiet corner, slowly unroll your well-worn manuscript, and carefully verify that every word is flawless before engraving this promise deep in your heart and tucking it away in your pocket. On May 20, you will be inaugurated… and you will recite that oath spoken eight years ago—this time, you will no longer merely follow in Lee Teng‑hui’s footsteps:
“I solemnly swear before all the people of the nation that I will abide by the Constitution, faithfully discharge my duties, promote the welfare of the people, and defend the nation, never betraying the trust placed in me. Should I break this oath, I am willing to accept the strictest punishment imposed by the state.”
The turning point in history has arrived.
KMT-PFP low-flew past the finish line! The Chen administration lost to the Kuomintang by a single percentage point!
The Kuomintang hovers on the edge of a cliff, while the DPP retains its political strength!This is the story of the final night on election day. In the deep silence of night, you toss and turn, unable to sleep, haunted by a nightmare: on the day of vote counting, your once-leading advantage mysteriously dwindled to a dead heat, until by 9 PM, A-Bian managed to overtake you by a few hundred votes. The thought jolted you awake. The house lay in stillness, your wife still asleep. You reached for your glasses, now blurred with a fine mist on the table, wiped them carefully, and grabbed the latest campaign poll report, desperately searching for any sign or detail in the numbers. Could it be that these polls are as illusory as the Emperor’s new clothes? But now it was too late to question them. With voting scheduled for tomorrow, you could only try to catch a few anxious hours of sleep, silently praying for a stroke of good luck from above, while being careful not to sleep too soundly, lest your exhaustion be noticed.
At 4:00 PM, as soon as the polls closed, the television screens erupted with a cascade of numbers and rapid-fire announcements. Each media outlet chimed in with its own exaggerated figures: at 4:02, one station declared that Lian-Sung’s vote count had surpassed 100,000; shortly after at 4:18, major channels reported that the count had broken the million mark; by 4:30, another channel boldly announced three million; and before 5:00, yet another claimed the vote count had reached five million. Frowning, you hurried online to check the official data from the Central Election Commission—the actual figure was a mere 50,000 or so. It turned out that this numbers game was nothing more than a farce staged by the media to grab attention.
This election… seemed destined to be full of suspense. You had seen the inspiring lead in the northern regions and the Taoyuan, but as the rural votes from the central and southern regions started coming in, the southern farmers, fishermen, and even those often jokingly labeled as “hillbillies” flocked to vote for A-Bian, gradually offsetting the DPP’s disadvantage up north. On TV, the hosts’ numerical contests grew increasingly intense, while you could only take out a handkerchief to dab away the cold sweat of anxiety.
In the end, as the vote totals from central and southern regions tapered off and A-Bian’s gains slowed, the early advantage you had built solidified your position—with just a one percentage point margin, you were elected the 11th President with slightly over 50% of the vote. A-Bian must be deeply frustrated, wondering why he didn’t campaign more in the northern and Hakka regions. Ultimately, it was by this razor-thin margin that you overthrew his pitiful four-year government.
Yet, the vote percentage remains a concern: before ascending the presidential throne, you still need to win over more public support; otherwise, the path to re-election in 2008 will be fraught with challenges. Song Chu-yu expressed his worries, telling you, “If we cannot attract more moderate voters, our future governance and the December legislative elections will face great difficulties.”
No matter what the future holds, this is, after all, your victory. You have grasped the key to the future, destined to be a trailblazer leading the nation forward. From this moment on, you will leave an indelible mark in every breath taken by the people of the Republic of China.
Respectfully invite President Lien Chan to give instructions....
President Chen Shui-bian narrowly clinches re-election in a heart-stopping finish! Lien-Song files a lawsuit to invalidate the election!
The High Court has ordered all ballot boxes sealed for inspection—has the battle not yet ended?
On the eve of the election,
an inexplicable unease surges within you, leaving you tossing and turning, unable to sleep. You keep pondering whether you might have done something wrong—after all, the comparative polls provided by your staff no longer shine as brilliantly as they did a few months ago. It seems that in his bid to win, A-Bian has spared no effort: from disputes over party assets to family property controversies, and in the end, even your own family wasn’t spared the drag—plus, out of nowhere, two bullets appeared. The night drags on, heavy with doubts, as you know that tomorrow, the people's ballot boxes will render their final judgment on you.
At 4:00 PM, as soon as the polls close, the television screens start flashing with dense figures and rapid-fire announcements. One media outlet after another reports exaggerated numbers: at 4:02, one station announces that Lien-Song’s vote count has surpassed 100,000; at 4:18, major channels claim the numbers have broken the million mark; by 4:30, another channel shouts out three million; and before 5:00, yet another declares that the tally has reached five million. Frowning, you rush online to check the official data from the Central Election Commission—the actual figure is a mere 50,000 or so. It turns out that this numbers game is nothing more than a farce staged by the media to attract attention.
Everything seemed to be proceeding as planned until the vote counts from Taipei and Taoyuan began to dwindle, while a green tide surged in from Yunlin, Changhua, Tainan, and Kaohsiung—like a mass of seaweed breaking through a blue barrier, flooding the television screens. The rural farmers and Minnan people in the south have given A-Bian tremendous support, and you can only watch in disbelief as your lead shrinks from hundreds of thousands of votes to tens of thousands, and then to just a few. The numbers on TV keep jumping, leaving you overwhelmed and dizzy, until A-Bian completely overtakes you, and you nearly feel like you’re going to faint. With hardly any uncounted ballots left, any chance of a turnaround seems hopeless. Anger burns in your heart as you silently curse: How can this be?! There must be something wrong! There’s something fishy here—conspiracy! I knew those two bullets from yesterday weren’t ordinary.
A worried aide enters quietly, reminding you, “We need to give our supporters an explanation.” You have long suppressed your doubts and anger, but now you can no longer hold them back.
“This gap… has been created under a cloud of suspicion. All these doubts give the impression that this is an unfair election. Today, here and now, on behalf of every People present—and indeed, all our compatriots across the nation—I solemnly announce our decision, a decision unanimously agreed upon by KMT-PFP Alliance: we are prepared to file a lawsuit to invalidate this election!”
A female host’s sorrowful voice comes through the microphone—helpless yet indignant—as she shouts “Invalid Election,” her voice raw with emotion, while the sound of sirens blares repeatedly in the background for a full half-minute.
Unbidden, your thoughts turn to A-Bian, sitting secure in the Presidential Office, and a part of you secretly rejoices: he has stolen the presidential seat from you, and now he will continue for another four years, while you may never have another chance to rise again! The Kuomintang would never nominate a twice-defeated veteran to contest the 2008 election; the younger generation within the party will trample over you as they march forward.
The Setting Sun as a Play
Undercurrents Stirring
Taipei’s night lay heavy as iron, clouds pressing low, swallowing even the moonlight in this looming political storm. You stood in your study, listening to the rain tapping against the window—like countless voters whispering their discontent. The tea on your desk had long gone cold, its fleeting steam dissipated, leaving only the reflection of your brooding gaze at the bottom of the cup.
Months of campaigning had unraveled like an endless nightmare: Chen Shui-bian’s populist tactics surged like an unrelenting flood, the party assets controversy coiled around your neck like a noose, and those two bullets—like fate’s cruel jest—had left an invisible scar on your chest. You pressed your temples, attempting to dispel the exhaustion, but inside your mind, an old radio seemed to play on loop—the echoes of cheering crowds and your opponent’s cold laughter.
A year ago, the polls had given you hope—55% support, a solid lead of more than ten percentage points over Chen Shui-bian. Back then, you brimmed with confidence, believing you could escape the shadow of Lee Teng-hui, lead the KMT back to glory, and etch your name in history with bold strokes. But now, reality was like a dull blade, slowly slicing away at your conviction.
Tomorrow, the ballots would fall like a judge’s gavel, determining whether your play could continue—or be cut short.
The Bubble and the Collapse
The final bell of voting rang out, marking the climax of this absurd political drama. At campaign headquarters, television screens flashed numbers like runaway trains, speeding recklessly toward an unknown destination. The anchors, their voices hoarse, shouted like auctioneers on the verge of hysteria:“Lien-Song’s votes have surpassed 1.5 million!”“The Blue camp is leading—victory is within reach!”“A 2-million-vote gap! The Green camp has no hope of a comeback!”Seated at the long conference table, you tapped your fingers lightly against the polished wood, a faint, unreadable smile playing on your lips. But the election commission’s latest figures—handed over by an assistant—poured over you like ice water: a lead of just thirty thousand votes. You scoffed. This was nothing but a self-indulgent media frenzy—a castle of bubbles, too fragile to withstand the first gust of reality.
Outside, the rain had stopped, but the horizon glowed with an ominous red.
The vote count unfolded like a slow-motion disaster film. Taipei’s stronghold held, but the numbers were weaker than expected. Hsinchu’s Blue defenses were beginning to crack. The central regions, like a swamp, dragged the battle into a deadlock. And the south—the south erupted like a volcanic inferno, an unstoppable tide of Green surging forward. Tainan’s votes spread like wild vines in a rainforest, Kaohsiung’s numbers crashed like towering waves, each one hammering at your nerves. You watched, powerless, as your lead shrank—from one hundred thousand to fifty thousand, then thirty thousand—until, at last, the Green wave swallowed it whole.
The final result froze on the screen: Chen Shui-bian and Annette Lu had won—by mere percentage points.
The room fell into a deathly silence, broken only by the victorious speech blaring from the television. Chen Shui-bian’s voice was sharp, like a dagger stabbing into your eardrums. You muttered under your breath:
"This play… has been ruined."
The Lingering Echo
Campaign headquarters felt like an abandoned theater, the air thick with the bitter taste of defeat. Song slammed the table, his voice a thunderous roar: “Fraud! It must be fraud!”
You raised a hand, stopping him. Your voice, drained of energy, came out hoarse: “Soong, stop shouting. Shouting won’t bring the votes back.”
Outside, the door creaked open. Ma Ying-jeou entered, his suit impeccable, yet his expression carried an unreadable trace of amusement.
"Chairman, after this loss, the party will naturally have internal debates. But I believe there’s no need to rush any conclusions. Perhaps we should wait until the December legislative elections before making any decisions." His voice was calm, but you could sense the probing beneath it.
You met his gaze, a bitter smile creeping onto your lips. “Xiao Ma, are you offering me an exit strategy?”
Ma shook his head. “No. I believe you still have the ability to stabilize the party. Stepping down now would be premature.”
You paused, considering. Then, after a long moment, you nodded. “Fine. I’ll hold on for a few more months.”
Outside, the night deepened. The city lights flickered like the remnants of a broken stage set. Leaning against the railing, you lit a cigarette. The smoke drifted into the wind, dissipating—like your once-clear conviction.
Victory had been within reach, yet it had remained as distant as a canyon’s edge.
You had wanted to prove you were more than just Lee Teng-hui’s shadow, more than a privileged princeling coasting on family legacy. But this election—like a mirror—reflected your helplessness back at you.
Waiting Under the Setting Sun
Weeks later, you stood atop Yangmingshan, gazing down at Taipei. The autumn wind cut through the silence, and the setting sun spilled across the slopes like spilled blood.
You recalled the deafening cheers of the campaign, the vows sworn with conviction—now scattered like fallen leaves, carried away by the wind. The December legislative elections loomed ahead, granting you a temporary reprieve. But deep down, you knew—the Green camp’s momentum was only growing. The political landscape of Taiwan was no longer the familiar sky you once ruled.
You murmured to yourself:
"The setting sun is beautiful, but it must eventually sink beneath the horizon."
"Can I still play one last act?"
Total Meltdown
The bell signaling the end of voting rang out, as if ushering in a grand symphony. Inside the Lien-Song campaign headquarters, the atmosphere buzzed with tension and anticipation. Staff members fixed their eyes on the large screen, where Taiwan’s counties and cities flickered in blue and green lights. Lien Chan leaned back in his chair, a faint smile playing on his lips, though a trace of worry hid in his eyes. Song Chu-Yu stood nearby, arms crossed, brows knitted, as if he sensed something off.
On the television, anchors chirped like circus announcers, tossing out dazzling figures: “Lien-Song’s votes have surpassed one million!” “Two million—victory is assured!” “Three million! The blue camp is unstoppable!” The headquarters erupted in cheers, staff slapping high-fives, basking in this “overwhelming” lead. But the joy didn’t last.
Assistant Xiao Hu burst into the meeting room, clutching a real-time report from the Central Election Commission. “Chairman, the truth is… we’re only ahead by fifty thousand votes,” he said, his voice low and urgent.
Lien’s smile froze. Song’s brows tightened further. “How is this possible? Didn’t the media say…” Lien’s voice wavered, trailing off as he realized the media’s numbers were a mirage.
“Taipei’s lead is slim, the Hakka votes in Taoyuan, Hsinchu, and Miaoli are underperforming, and in Taichung and Changhua… the green is spreading,” Xiao Hu added quietly.
The map on the screen shifted hues. Taipei’s blue bastion teetered, barely outpacing Chen Shui-bian by a few points, clinging to a pale blue. The Hakka strongholds of Taoyuan, Hsinchu, and Miaoli collapsed silently, while green pixels in Taichung and Changhua crept like seaweed, tainting the map. In the south, a green tide surged like a wild stallion. Tainan’s votes multiplied like rainforest vines, and Kaohsiung’s numbers crashed like waves, pounding Lien’s resolve.
“The sky has fallen,” Lien murmured, almost inaudibly. Song slammed the table. “How could this happen? We clearly—”
“Clearly what?” Lien interrupted with a bitter smile. “Public opinion has shifted. Taiwan has changed.”
The headquarters’ cheers faded into a deathly hush. Staff exchanged uneasy glances, the air thick with despair.
Echoes of Defeat
When the final county’s votes were tallied, the screen locked in the result: Chen Shui-bian and Lu Hsiu-lien had won. The headquarters fell silent, staff frozen in place, as if their spirits had fled. Lien sat with hollow eyes, while Song paced in fury.
“This can’t be! It’s cheating!” Song exploded. “That guy A-bian must’ve rigged it!”
“Old Song, calm down,” Lien rasped, his voice weary. “We lost, fair and square.”
“Fair and square?” Song sneered. “Look at the south—Kaohsiung and Tainan’s turnout is ridiculously high. Is that normal?”
“Normal or not, it’s done,” Lien said, shutting his eyes. “The people have spoken. We’re finished.”
The door swung open, and Ma Ying-jeou stepped in with a few young party members. Disappointment shadowed his face, but his gaze held firm. “Chairman, Chairman Song, the results are set. We need to face reality.”
“Reality?” Song snapped, glaring at Ma. “Reality is the DPP outmaneuvered us!”
“Chairman Song, anger won’t fix this,” Ma replied, calm yet resolute. “The party needs a new direction.”
Lien looked at Ma, a wry smile forming. “Xiao Ma, you’re here to ease me out, aren’t you?”
Ma paused, then nodded. “Chairman, this loss has rattled the party. Maybe it’s time for you to step back.”
Song scoffed. “Step back? To where? The mainland?”
Lien waved him off. “Enough, Old Song. I get it. I’ll think it over.”
Afterglow
Months later, Lien resigned as KMT chairman and withdrew from politics. On a sunlit day, he visited a golf course to chat with an old friend. The grass glowed green, the breeze gentle—a world apart from past chaos.
“Old Lien, have you really let go?” his friend asked, handing him a club with a grin.
Lien swung, the ball soaring into the light and vanishing. “Let go, yet not fully,” he said softly. “Politics is like golf—unpredictable. I’ve done my part. Maybe it’s the young ones’ turn.”
His friend clapped his shoulder. “You’ve given enough. History will remember you.”
Lien smiled, gazing into the distance. Newspapers brimmed with Ma Ying-jeou’s reform plans, hinting at fresh hope for the KMT. But Lien knew politics was an endless cycle, victories and defeats mere moments.
“Taiwan’s changed, and the KMT must too,” he thought. He swung again, the ball arcing through the air and rolling into the hole. With a faint smile, he turned and walked away, his silhouette blurring in the sunlight, as if melting into history’s vast flow.
Walking on the Edge
The sea and sky blended into one color. On the other side of the sea was the evil red force. On this side of the sea was the green island.
Since the Kuomintang (KMT) suffered a complete defeat in the 2004 presidential and legislative elections, the party's internal struggles and conflicts with the People First Party (PFP) have thoroughly shattered the foundation of Chinese nationalism in Taiwan. This transformed it into a hybrid entity even more aligned with local factions and patronage networks than during the Lee Teng-hui era. After defeating the KMT and PFP—the sole enemies of Taiwanese identity ideology—the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) swiftly overcame the KMT-PFP alliance in the December legislative elections. With the assistance of the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), the DPP gained majority control of the Legislative Yuan. The KMT-PFP alliance disintegrated following these two major defeats. Song Chu-yu promptly sought to collaborate with the pan-green camp, even meeting with President Chen Shui-bian to discuss potential cooperation between the PFP and DPP. This fractured the PFP’s internal unity, leading some members to defect to the KMT or the New Party. Meanwhile, the Taiwanese faction within the KMT vociferously demanded that the word "China" be removed from the party’s name to secure its prospects for the next election.
Former Vice President Lien Chan immediately resigned as KMT chairman following the humiliating electoral defeat. Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng and Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou fiercely competed for the KMT chairmanship. As the pan-blue camp descended into disarray, the DPP recognized this as the ideal moment to advance its agenda. President Chen Shui-bian resolved to draft a new constitution in 2006 and push for a referendum on Taiwan independence. Simultaneously, in the Legislative Yuan, the DPP passed a massive NT$600 billion arms procurement bill to acquire weapons, including Patriot III missiles, P-3C long-range fixed-wing anti-submarine aircraft, and diesel-electric submarines. China denounced these actions, viewing them as a new strategy by Taiwan independence advocates to pursue sovereignty through military means.
In 2005, the Chen Shui-bian administration convened the long-inactive National Assembly for its final functional session, during which it suspended the assembly’s operations and abolished the "National Unification Guidelines" leftover from the Lee Teng-hui era. Mainland China responded with a hardline stance, declaring, "No matter who pursues Taiwan independence, there will be no good outcome," and forcefully enacted the "Anti-Secession Law" to counter the Chen administration’s independence-leaning tendencies.
By 2006, as the DPP advanced its "new constitution, new country" referendum, there was scarcely any serious domestic opposition. The remnants of the New Party and KMT were reduced to street protests, largely powerless to act otherwise. Although numerous pro-pan-blue generals and officers in the military resigned in protest against Chen Shui-bian’s Taiwan independence policies, this did not halt the further tilting of the political landscape. Statues of President Chiang Kai-shek were toppled, the song "I Love China" was banned from being sung in military camps, and propaganda slogans tied to the Three Principles of the People were replaced with ones steeped in Taiwanese identity ideology.
Concurrently, the Chinese Communist Party employed unprecedentedly strong rhetoric and military threats, asserting it "would not abandon any means to achieve national unification." It conducted military exercises in the Taiwan Strait and launched missiles into the strait’s outer waters. Chairman Hu Jintao, in an extraordinary move, ordered the Nanjing Military Region to mobilize and prepare for heightened alert and combat readiness. The United States, Australia, South Korea, Japan, and other nations expressed alarm over the unprecedented tensions in the Taiwan Strait, asserting that maintaining the status quo was the only viable option for both sides. At the same time, U.S. Air Force units in Kadena and Jeju were bolstered, and the Seventh Fleet resumed patrols in the Taiwan Strait.
The situation was on the verge of eruption.
Taiwan's Acting President Loses the Election! The KMT-PFP Alliance Overthrows DPP Rule!
The truth behind the shooting remains unclear, and You Si-Kun concedes defeat!
Ever since President Chen Shui-bian and Vice President Lu were shot on March 19, the heavy responsibility of leading Taiwan fell onto Acting President You Si-Kun’s shoulders. As Premier, he was the only one eligible to assume the presidency under such critical circumstances—no one else had the right of succession. To avoid the chaos and internal strife of a DPP primary, the entire party rallied behind Acting President You Si-Kun, nominating him as the candidate for the already postponed presidential election.
However, this politician from Yilan ultimately failed to deliver. The reasons are twofold: his extreme pro-independence stance and his impatient, hasty nature worked against him. On one hand, You Si-Kun pushed forward with the defensive referendum left behind by Chen; on the other, he strongly supported Taiwan's further localization—going so far as to publicly deny the existence of the 1992 Consensus and backing Chen’s 2006 proposal to introduce a "new constitution" in Taiwan. This move was tantamount to planting a time bomb in cross-strait relations, alarming not only the United States and Japan, but prompting both the Bush and Koizumi administrations to express deep concern over Taiwan's situation.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu stood firm on the issue of national identity. They maintained an unwavering “One China” policy and further linked the DPP with the risk of war. While some in the Pan-Green camp were excited by You Si-Kun's radical proposals, many centrist voters—terrified by the steadily deteriorating cross-strait relations and the potential outbreak of war—turned their support to the Pan-Blue camp. This final straw was enough to crush You Si-Kun's electoral hopes.
On April 15, 2004, the Bush administration issued a statement firmly opposing any unilateral change to the status quo by either China or Taiwan, reaffirming the United States’ right to sell arms to Taiwan—on the condition that Taiwan maintains the status quo, and Beijing does the same. This statement was widely seen as a strong rebuke of You Si-Kun's government and worked in favor of the KMT-PFP Alliance’s electoral prospects.
On election day, the Taiwanese people decisively chose the Lien Chan–Song Chu-yu duo, with the KMT-PFP alliance capturing over 50% of the vote. In contrast, You Si-Kun and the DPP suffered a crushing defeat due to their lack of leadership and an ambiguous stance on cross-strait policy. That very night, You Si-Kun was forced to admit defeat, calling on the KMT to lead Taiwan toward a brighter future—but he also lamented that the DPP and the Taiwanese people's thirst for political reform and further localization would never be quenched. His "pro-independence flames" burned too fiercely, eventually reducing him to ashes.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan delivered a rousing victory speech, celebrating a decisive win against what he termed the dangerous pro-independence extremists. He proclaimed that a new era was dawning in Taiwan. Whether Lien Chan can truly improve cross-strait relations and propel Taiwan’s economic development remains to be seen—only time will tell.
Taiwan Independence Resolution – You Si-Kun Is Determined to Buck His Party Comrades
http:www.chinareviewnews.com May 16, 2007, 18:22:20
Hong Kong, May 16 (China Review News) – Today, the DPP Central Standing Committee approved the list of members for the "Drafting Committee for a Normal State Resolution," a team composed of cross-faction representatives from the Executive Yuan, the party, the Legislative Yuan, and the party caucus. Party Chairman You Si-Kun stated that the "Normal State Resolution" will balance the 2008 presidential victory with the DPP's core values. Following the internal democratic process, it will be put to a vote at the National Congress, replacing the 1999 "Taiwan's Future Resolution."
The DPP has established a "Drafting Committee for a Normal State Resolution," with Central Standing Committee member Tsai Tong-Jung serving as the convener. Other members include Yeh Chu-lan, Chiu Yi-jen, Ko Chien-ming, Chen Ming-wen, Wu Bing-ru, Chen Sheng-hung, Gao Chi-peng, and Lin Chia-lung, along with an advisory group of seven scholars and experts. The committee aims to present its proposal before the extraordinary National Congress at the end of June.
Some party members recently expressed support for the "Normal State Resolution" while insisting that the "Taiwan's Future Resolution" should not be discarded.
You Si-Kun emphasized that the "Normal State Resolution" will be finalized in accordance with the party's democratic procedures and must be approved by the National Congress. Once passed, the new resolution will supersede the old one.
Related Topics: Taiwan Party Dynamics
Related News:
• DPP Dissent Over You Si-Kun: "Normal Chairman Resolution" in the Works (May 13, 2007, 20:08:03)
• Duan Yi-kang: The DPP Has Created a False Enemy; You Si-Kun Should Resign (May 11, 2007, 10:51:12)
Taipei County Magistrate Defeated in Presidential Election! KMT Returns to Power!
Su Tseng-chang Announces Return to Municipal Duties Amid Emotional Reactions from Taipei County Residents
Following the assassination attempt on President Chen Shui-bian and Vice President Lu Hsiu-lien on March 19, the responsibility of leading Taiwan fell to Acting President You Si-kun. As Premier, he was the only individual eligible to assume the presidency under such extraordinary circumstances, with no one else having the right of succession. Nevertheless, the presidential election was still scheduled to proceed. To avoid any perception of exploiting the assassination attempt for political gain, Acting President You Si-kun announced he would not participate in the election. After intense factional debates within the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the party decided to nominate Su Tseng-chang, the magistrate of Taipei County—the most populous county in Taiwan—as its candidate for the 2004 presidential election. Magistrate Su gladly accepted the nomination and, amid cheers, took the stage, vowing to uphold the regime of President Chen Shui-bian.
However, the Taipei County Magistrate failed to fulfill his pledge. Although DPP members initially rallied behind him, Su Tseng-chang’s lack of personal charisma and his intention to adhere to Chen Shui-bian’s cross-strait policies soon cast him as a diminished version of “A-Bian” (Chen’s nickname). His highest administrative experience was limited to serving as a county magistrate, which stood in stark contrast to the extensive background of his opponent, Lien Chan. These weaknesses prevented Su from overcoming his disadvantages or clearly distinguishing himself from the Chen administration’s policies, leading to widespread public distrust.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu solidified their position on national identity. They first emphasized the unshakeable “One China” principle and policy, then associated the DPP with the threat of war. They also criticized Su Tseng-chang’s lack of experience and his unclear vision for cross-strait relations and national identity. While DPP supporters and Taipei County’s Minnan-speaking population—a key demographic in Taiwanese politics—might have been enthusiastic about Su, many centrist voters had grown weary of the Chen administration. Su’s inability to distance himself from it meant that even sympathy votes could not break his cycle of stagnation. More voters turned to the pan-Blue coalition, delivering the final blow to Su’s campaign.
On election day, the Taiwanese people overwhelmingly elected the Lien Chan-James Soong ticket. The pan-Blue coalition secured over 50% of the vote, while Su Tseng-chang and the DPP suffered a crushing defeat due to their lack of leadership and ambiguous stance on cross-strait policies. That evening, Su Tseng-chang conceded defeat, expressing hope that the Kuomintang (KMT) would lead Taiwan toward a better future. He announced his return to Taipei County to complete his remaining one-year term and continue serving the people of Taiwan. However, he also emphasized that the DPP and the Taiwanese people’s aspirations for political reform and further localization would persist, and that President Chen Shui-bian’s legacy would not be forgotten.
At the same time, Lien Chan delivered his victory speech, celebrating the landslide defeat of the inexperienced Taipei County Magistrate Su Tseng-chang. A new era for Taiwan was dawning: Could Lien Chan improve cross-strait relations and boost Taiwan’s economy? Only time would tell.
"Interaction and Action – Moving the People"
Inaugural Address of Su Tseng-chang as President and Chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party at the 11th DPP Chairmanship Inauguration Ceremony, 2005
Former President Lee, Former Vice President Lu, Acting Chairman Ke, Supervisor Arbitrator Liao, Premier Hsieh, Speaker Wang, President Yao, Senior Advisor Peng, Senior Advisor Gu, Senior Advisor Wu, Senior Advisor Ni, Secretary-General You, Secretary-General Chiu, Chairman Su of the Taiwan Solidarity Union, Vice Chairman Chang of the People First Party, Deputy Executive Director Cheng of the Kuomintang, Chairman Huang of the Taiwan Independence Alliance, Chairman Huang of the Nation Building Party, Mrs. Chiang, wife of the founding chairman, members of the Central Standing Committee, Central Executive Committee, Central Evaluation Committee, Arbitration Committee, distinguished guests, esteemed party members, ladies and gentlemen:
Good day to all!
In this joyful atmosphere of the Lunar New Year, as I, Su Tseng-chang, assume the chairmanship of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), I first wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations for a happy and prosperous new year to all. I also thank you for your presence and guidance today. I am particularly grateful to all party members, both domestic and overseas, for your enthusiastic participation and strong support in the voting process. Your involvement not only upholds the DPP’s internal democracy but also enables me to smoothly take office today. I am deeply thankful. Former President Lee graciously offered me much encouragement and advice in person a few days ago, and today, he has honored us with his presence, sitting through the entire ceremony and humbly declining to speak. I am truly touched and appreciative. I also extend my sincere thanks to Former Vice President Lu, Premier Hsieh, Speaker Wang, and Acting Chairman Ke for their kind words and encouragement. Once again, thank you all.
Eighteen years ago, amidst the White Terror and under oppressive rule, I, Su Tseng-chang, along with comrades dedicated to the pursuit of democracy and progressive reform, founded the Democratic Progressive Party. Thanks to the sacrifices and dedication of our predecessors and the steadfast support of our successors, we have garnered strong backing from the Taiwanese people. This has allowed our democratic party to be born, to grow robustly, and to journey safely to this day.
Over the past eighteen years, through relentless effort, unwavering determination, and courage, the DPP has consistently aligned itself with public opinion, driving reforms and facing challenge after challenge, repeatedly earning the affirmation of the Taiwanese people. From being a non-party movement to forming a political party, from opposition to governance, the DPP has spearheaded the lifting of martial law, the abolition of the ban on political parties and newspapers, the complete re-election of the National Assembly, direct presidential elections, the redress of the February 28 Incident, the abolition of the overseas blacklist allowing veterans to return home, the repeal of Article 100 of the Criminal Code ensuring freedom of speech, educational reforms, care for workers, farmers, and fishermen, protection of the vulnerable, emphasis on ecological conservation, and the pursuit of sustainable national development. Throughout this journey, the DPP’s efforts have never ceased.
Always Standing with the People
Our party’s nominee, Comrade Chen Shui-bian, was successfully elected president in 2000, achieving the first-ever party alternation in history. In 2001, our party became the largest in the Legislative Yuan. In 2004, despite the unfortunate assassination of President Chen Shui-bian, under the guidance of his enduring will, I led our party to win the presidential election once again. The DPP not only secured re-election but also garnered over half of the national vote. The Taiwanese people’s support for the DPP is steadfast and continuous, and the wave of democratic progress in Taiwan is magnificent. This is possible because we have consistently grasped the pulse of public opinion, met the people’s expectations, and persistently upheld Taiwan’s sovereignty, safeguarded democratic freedoms, pursued fairness and justice, and created prosperity and progress. This is precisely the trust placed in us by the Taiwanese people, and it is why the DPP has been able to govern.
The responsibility of governance is arduous. The people support us because of our ideals; as the ruling party, we must take responsibility. Since we are in power, we should courageously shoulder our duties and humbly reflect on our actions. There should be no disparity between our ideals and the people’s expectations; there should be no estrangement between our actions and our supporters; there should be no distance between our party and its vast membership. We must always lead the mainstream public opinion and respond to the people’s needs.
Based on this conviction, I, Su Tseng-chang, will henceforth lead the DPP through interaction and action to continue being a party that moves the people.
Creating Sincere Politics through Humility
As party chairman, I will lead by example, engaging with the grassroots, embracing the land and the people, interacting with party members and society. I will also require all departments of the central party headquarters to engage more closely and cordially with other political parties, local party branches, and various sectors of society. Our party will also go international, exchanging and interacting with foreign political parties. We will listen to diverse voices, heed the people’s opinions, reflect their sentiments, and connect tightly with the Taiwanese people with the humblest heart and the most sincere hands.
Dreams cannot be realized out of thin air. In the past, the DPP accomplished numerous historical missions through persistent and fearless action. Looking to the future, our party’s tasks are even more onerous and challenging. We cannot afford a moment’s relaxation or the slightest slack. I believe that as long as our direction is correct and our steps do not cease, our goals will surely be achieved one day. As long as we serve sincerely and work steadfastly, political endeavors can also bear fruit through humility.
The DPP is a party that belongs to the people. We are willing to implement our ideals with the most resolute actions and be the most sincere political party. Through interaction and action, we aim to make the DPP a party that moves the people. We earnestly request our fellow citizens to provide us with guidance, encouragement, and support! Let us make the DPP better and our national society better!
Thank you all!
"Interaction and Action – Moving the People"
Inaugural Address of Su Tseng-chang as President and Chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party at the 11th DPP Chairmanship Inauguration Ceremony, 2005
Former President Lee, Former Vice President Lu, Acting Chairman Ke, Supervisor Arbitrator Liao, Premier Hsieh, Speaker Wang, President Yao, Senior Advisor Peng, Senior Advisor Gu, Senior Advisor Wu, Senior Advisor Ni, Secretary-General You, Secretary-General Chiu, Chairman Su of the Taiwan Solidarity Union, Vice Chairman Chang of the People First Party, Deputy Executive Director Cheng of the Kuomintang, Chairman Huang of the Taiwan Independence Alliance, Chairman Huang of the Nation Building Party, Mrs. Chiang, wife of the founding chairman, members of the Central Standing Committee, Central Executive Committee, Central Evaluation Committee, Arbitration Committee, distinguished guests, esteemed party members, ladies and gentlemen:
Good day to all!
In this joyful atmosphere of the Lunar New Year, as I, Su Tseng-chang, assume the chairmanship of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), I first wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations for a happy and prosperous new year to all. I also thank you for your presence and guidance today. I am particularly grateful to all party members, both domestic and overseas, for your enthusiastic participation and strong support in the voting process. Your involvement not only upholds the DPP’s internal democracy but also enables me to smoothly take office today. I am deeply thankful. Former President Lee graciously offered me much encouragement and advice in person a few days ago, and today, he has honored us with his presence, sitting through the entire ceremony and humbly declining to speak. I am truly touched and appreciative. I also extend my sincere thanks to Former Vice President Lu, Premier Hsieh, Speaker Wang, and Acting Chairman Ke for their kind words and encouragement. Once again, thank you all.
Eighteen years ago, amidst the White Terror and under oppressive rule, I, Su Tseng-chang, along with comrades dedicated to the pursuit of democracy and progressive reform, founded the Democratic Progressive Party. Thanks to the sacrifices and dedication of our predecessors and the steadfast support of our successors, we have garnered strong backing from the Taiwanese people. This has allowed our democratic party to be born, to grow robustly, and to journey safely to this day.
Over the past eighteen years, through relentless effort, unwavering determination, and courage, the DPP has consistently aligned itself with public opinion, driving reforms and facing challenge after challenge, repeatedly earning the affirmation of the Taiwanese people. From being a non-party movement to forming a political party, from opposition to governance, the DPP has spearheaded the lifting of martial law, the abolition of the ban on political parties and newspapers, the complete re-election of the National Assembly, direct presidential elections, the redress of the February 28 Incident, the abolition of the overseas blacklist allowing veterans to return home, the repeal of Article 100 of the Criminal Code ensuring freedom of speech, educational reforms, care for workers, farmers, and fishermen, protection of the vulnerable, emphasis on ecological conservation, and the pursuit of sustainable national development. Throughout this journey, the DPP’s efforts have never ceased.
Always Standing with the People
Our party’s nominee, Comrade Chen Shui-bian, was successfully elected president in 2000, achieving the first-ever party alternation in history. In 2001, our party became the largest in the Legislative Yuan. In 2004, despite the unfortunate assassination of President Chen Shui-bian, under the guidance of his enduring will, I led our party to win the presidential election once again. The DPP not only secured re-election but also garnered over half of the national vote. The Taiwanese people’s support for the DPP is steadfast and continuous, and the wave of democratic progress in Taiwan is magnificent. This is possible because we have consistently grasped the pulse of public opinion, met the people’s expectations, and persistently upheld Taiwan’s sovereignty, safeguarded democratic freedoms, pursued fairness and justice, and created prosperity and progress. This is precisely the trust placed in us by the Taiwanese people, and it is why the DPP has been able to govern.
The responsibility of governance is arduous. The people support us because of our ideals; as the ruling party, we must take responsibility. Since we are in power, we should courageously shoulder our duties and humbly reflect on our actions. There should be no disparity between our ideals and the people’s expectations; there should be no estrangement between our actions and our supporters; there should be no distance between our party and its vast membership. We must always lead the mainstream public opinion and respond to the people’s needs.
Based on this conviction, I, Su Tseng-chang, will henceforth lead the DPP through interaction and action to continue being a party that moves the people.
Creating Sincere Politics through Humility
As party chairman, I will lead by example, engaging with the grassroots, embracing the land and the people, interacting with party members and society. I will also require all departments of the central party headquarters to engage more closely and cordially with other political parties, local party branches, and various sectors of society. Our party will also go international, exchanging and interacting with foreign political parties. We will listen to diverse voices, heed the people’s opinions, reflect their sentiments, and connect tightly with the Taiwanese people with the humblest heart and the most sincere hands.
Dreams cannot be realized out of thin air. In the past, the DPP accomplished numerous historical missions through persistent and fearless action. Looking to the future, our party’s tasks are even more onerous and challenging. We cannot afford a moment’s relaxation or the slightest slack. I believe that as long as our direction is correct and our steps do not cease, our goals will surely be achieved one day. As long as we serve sincerely and work steadfastly, political endeavors can also bear fruit through humility.
The DPP is a party that belongs to the people. We are willing to implement our ideals with the most resolute actions and be the most sincere political party. Through interaction and action, we aim to make the DPP a party that moves the people. We earnestly request our fellow citizens to provide us with guidance, encouragement, and support! Let us make the DPP better and our national society better!
Thank you all!
Kaohsiung Mayor Loses to the Lien–Song Ticket! Hsieh Chang ting Concede Defeat!
Kaohsiung residents can rest assured—the mayor will return to fulfill his duties!
Since President Chen Shui-bian and Vice President Lu were shot on March 19, the heavy responsibility of leading Taiwan fell to Acting President You Si-kun. As Premier, he was the only one eligible to assume the presidency under such dire circumstances; no one else possessed the right of succession. Nevertheless, the presidential election was to continue. To avoid any appearance of profiting from the presidential assassination case, Acting President You Si-kun declared that he would not participate in the presidential election to avoid any conflicts of interest. After intense infighting and deliberations among factions within the DPP, in order to strengthen its base and power in the south, the DPP chose Kaohsiung Mayor Hsieh Chang ting as its candidate for the 2004 presidential election. Mayor Hsieh gladly accepted the nomination and took the stage amid cheers, vowing to safeguard President Chen’s regime and ensure cross-strait peace and security.
However, the Kaohsiung mayor did not fulfill the promises he made. Although DPP members initially rallied behind him, it soon became apparent that Mayor Hsieh had several fatal weaknesses that led to his failure. Kaohsiung residents had elected him as mayor only a year or two ago; entering the presidential race so soon was viewed as irresponsible, and even if he were to be elected, he would have to face a by-election in Kaohsiung. Hsieh’s highest administrative experience was only at the municipal level, and he had also been defeated by Lien Chan in the 1996 vice presidential race. In these weak areas, Hsieh could not overcome his disadvantages. Moreover, his stance on cross-strait issues was attacked as merely a replica of Lee Teng-hui’s views, and even the radical pro-independence camp did not trust him—under the same constitution, engaging in cross-strait exchanges was simply unimaginable for them.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu firmly established their stance on national identity. They maintained an unyielding "One China" policy and further linked the DPP with the risk of war, attacking Hsieh’s approach as nothing more than a rehash of Lee Teng-hui’s line, in an attempt to sow internal discord within the Pan-Green camp. While some pro-green supporters in Kaohsiung might have been excited by Hsieh’s candidacy, a larger number of centrist voters had long grown disillusioned with the A-Bian government, and Hsieh was unable to distinguish himself from it. Even if he managed to garner a few sympathy votes, in the end he was merely chasing his own tail within his own circle. More and more people chose to side with the Pan-Blue camp, which proved to be the final straw that broke Hsieh’s electoral back.
On election day, the Taiwanese people decisively chose the Lien Chan–Song Chu-yu ticket, with the KMT-PFP alliance capturing over 50% of the vote, while Hsieh Chang ting and the DPP, lacking unified leadership and displaying irresponsible participation in the presidential race, suffered a crushing defeat. That very evening, Hsieh admitted his loss and expressed hope that the Kuomintang could lead Taiwan toward a brighter future. He said he would return to Kaohsiung City to complete the remaining three years of his term and continue serving the Taiwanese people. At the same time, he remarked that the belief and hope for political reform, as well as the demand and dreams for further localization among the DPP and the Taiwanese people, would never be extinguished, and that President Chen Shui-bian’s legacy would not be forgotten.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan delivered his victory speech, celebrating his decisive win over the late-entry Kaohsiung mayor Hsieh Chang ting, and proclaiming that a new era was dawning in Taiwan. Whether Lien Chan can truly improve cross-strait relations and propel Taiwan’s economic development remains to be seen—only time will tell.
DPP Presidential Primary: Hsieh Chang-ting Wins by a Landslide
The Merit Times｜2007.05.07
Taipei Report — The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) held its presidential primary yesterday, with over 254,000 eligible party members casting their votes. Among the candidates, incumbent President Hsieh Chang-ting received the highest number of votes. Following the result, rival candidates Su Tseng-chang and DPP Chairman You Si-kun issued statements announcing their withdrawal from the primary and cessation of campaign activities.
The final vote count showed Hsieh Chang-ting in the lead with 63,233 votes. Su Tseng-chang followed with 46,992 votes. You Si-kun and former Vice President Lu trailed in third and fourth places with 22,200 and 8,552 votes respectively. Hsieh led Su by more than 16,000 votes and won the majority in 17 of the 24 voting districts.
Upon declaring victory, Hsieh Chang-ting expressed gratitude to the other three candidates and called for party unity.
This DPP presidential primary was considered the most fiercely contested in party history. The race was marked by disputes over registration deadlines, the method of filtering out blue-camp-leaning poll respondents, and the appointment of the acting party chair. These disputes dragged on throughout the process, with President Chen Shui-bian eventually abandoning efforts to mediate. The polling method—which was critical in determining the winner—was not finalized until the end of March.
During the campaign, tensions between the camps of Su Tseng-chang and Hsieh Chang-ting reached a boiling point. Just before the party member vote, documents related to a political donations case involving Hsieh were leaked, prompting both Su and Hsieh to personally engage in a heated exchange. Of the 250,000 party member votes, Taipei County accounted for the most with over 35,000 votes, while the party member votes in Taipei City and Kaohsiung City also exceeded 30,000, making them the three largest battlegrounds. Other key districts included Kaohsiung County, Taoyuan County, Tainan City and County, Pingtung County, and Taichung City, each with 10,000 to 20,000 votes—hotly contested areas for all candidates.
Due to receiving fewer votes than expected, Su Tseng-chang announced that he accepted and respected the result, and in the interest of party unity, decided to withdraw from the primary and fully support the winning candidate. You Si-kun also declared the suspension of all campaign activities.
Amid reports of potential vote-buying during the campaign, judicial authorities took notice. The Kaohsiung District Prosecutors Office and the local Investigation Bureau confirmed that one of the DPP primary candidates was suspected of offering cash for votes. Ten individuals were summoned for questioning yesterday as part of the investigation.
In addition to the presidential primary, votes were also cast yesterday for regional and at-large legislative primary candidates. Public opinion polling is scheduled for May 9th, 10th, and 11th. According to party rules, the DPP presidential and regional legislative primaries are determined by 30% party member vote and 70% public opinion poll. For at-large legislative candidates, the breakdown is 40% party vote and 60% poll. Final nominations are based on the combined results. However, with Su Tseng-chang and You Si-kun officially out of the race, Hsieh Chang-ting is now set to be the DPP’s nominee for the 2008 presidential election.
Taiwan’s Female President Loses the Election! The KMT-PFP Alliance Returns to Power!
Dreams Remain Unfulfilled, Hope Remains Unseen
Since President Chen Shui-bian was fatally shot on March 19, the heavy responsibility of leading Taiwan fell to Vice President Annette Lu, the constitutional first in line for the presidency. Her tearful display in the wake of the tragedy initially won sympathy for her remaining term. However, with only a short time left in that term and the presidential election set to continue, no one within the DPP dared oppose her, as she was regarded as Chen’s most legitimate successor. Consequently, the DPP quickly nominated her as their candidate for the restarted election.
Yet, Annette Lu turned out to be far from the strong leader envisioned by DPP supporters and the broader Pan-Green base. As the initial sympathy for Chen gradually waned, the people realized that Taiwan had its first female president—a reality that soon backfired. Although many DPP members initially rallied behind her, it quickly became apparent that Lu was considered unfit to lead. Many chauvinistic rural voters believed that having a woman as president undermined male dignity. Furthermore, Lu was not well-liked within her own party, her connections with local factions were weak, and she lacked substantive administrative experience—despite her title as vice president, nearly all executive power still rested with Chen. This sudden vacuum only deepened the public’s distrust of her.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu had firmly entrenched themselves on the issue of national identity. They maintained an unwavering “One China” stance and subsequently linked the DPP to the specter of war, attacking Lu’s policy as nothing more than a carbon copy of Chen Shui-bian’s line—an effort aimed at stirring up internal discord within the Pan-Green camp. While some pro-green supporters and voters backing Chen’s approach might have been excited by Lu’s candidacy, a larger number of centrist voters had long grown disillusioned with the Chen administration. Additionally, voices from within her own camp began questioning whether Lu’s role in the shooting incident was as straightforward as it appeared. Unable to clear her name—even if she managed to garner a few sympathy votes—she ultimately ended up chasing her own tail within her own circle. As a result, more voters shifted their support to the Pan-Blue camp, proving to be the final straw that broke Lu’s electoral back.
On election day, the Taiwanese people decisively chose the Lien Chan–Song Chu-yu ticket, with the KMT-PFP alliance capturing over 50% of the vote, while Annette Lu and the DPP, plagued by leadership void and a pervasive lack of public trust in the policies of Chen Shui-bian’s administration and its successor, suffered a crushing defeat. That very evening, Lu conceded defeat, but also declared that this election marked a new chapter in the history of Taiwanese women. Regardless of the setback, the ideal of half the Taiwanese population actively participating in politics will never be extinguished, and both the DPP and the people’s belief in political reform—as well as the dream of further localization and Chen Shui-bian’s enduring legacy—will never fade.
Meanwhile, Lien Chan delivered his victory speech, celebrating his decisive win over the hastily appointed Vice President Lu, and proclaiming that a new era was dawning in Taiwan. Whether Lien Chan can truly improve cross-strait relations and propel Taiwan’s economic development remains to be seen—only time will tell.
President Lu’s Victory Speech
April 17, 2004
In my life, I have learned that one must go through many ordeals, and for a nation to thrive, it must also face numerous risks. There is no country quite like Taiwan, which has experienced so much, and I have borne the weight of countless calamities.
I recall how, in my younger days, I pushed myself relentlessly to promote new feminism, to the point where I fell ill with cancer. Later, I was sentenced to 12 years in prison because of my involvement in the democracy movement during the Formosa Incident. I once thought that my suffering would end there, yet I never imagined that just in March 19 afternoon I would be struck by a bullet, plunging me into another nightmare.
I want to express my heartfelt gratitude to our people for their warmth and steadfast rationality. An unprecedentedly passionate presidential election has finally reached a pause amid the tumult and terror of the assassination attempts on both President Chen Shui-bian and myself. I am deeply grateful to Mr. Lien Chan, Mr. Song Chu-yu, and their dedicated campaign teams for their hard work and democratic spirit. I also appreciate the tireless support of my DPP comrades and the renewed confidence of our people, which has given me the opportunity to serve Taiwan for another four years.
In 2000, the Taiwanese people wrote a glorious chapter in history by peacefully transferring power through their votes. At that time, I set for myself the aspiration “to ride the winds, to brave the waves, to transcend generations, and to innovate toward a great future.” In 2004, not only did our people elect their national leader, but they also completed the historic first public referendum, deepening our democracy and clarifying Taiwan’s identity. Reflecting on the past four years feels like I have truly sailed through turbulent seas; as I look to the future, I know we must strive even harder to transcend and innovate, for we have entered an era of extraordinary change.
This new era calls for us to both transcend and innovate—it demands that we embrace inclusiveness and pursue diversified development. In recent years, I have championed the idea of a maritime nation and soft national power, with the hope of building Taiwan into a vibrant, people-centered nation that upholds human rights, democracy, peace, compassion, and technological progress—a shining pearl in the Pacific century and a treasure of the world.
Over the next four years, I also resolve to follow in the footsteps of President Chen Shui-bian and work alongside my advanced DPP comrades to pursue and realize the Five Pillars of Justice:
- Social Justice: In this new era of poverty, we must ensure that the elderly, the weak, the disabled, and the isolated are free from want and fear.
- Economic Justice: In response to the coming era of knowledge, technology, and globalization, we must narrow the gap between rich and poor and uphold fairness in the distribution and use of wealth.
- Judicial Justice: To deepen democracy and safeguard human rights, we must promote the rule of law and accelerate judicial reform, so that justice is truly served and our nation is governed by law.
- Gender Justice: To achieve gender equality and shared governance, we must mainstream gender issues and thoroughly review laws and regulations related to gender, thereby creating true gender justice.
- International Justice: To ensure Taiwan is recognized as a sovereign nation of dignity, we must actively engage in international affairs, lead global initiatives, and pursue international justice.
The echoes of gunfire have long faded, and the clouds of the election are gradually dissipating. One thing remains clear: votes hold more power than bullets!
My dear compatriots, let me shield you from the storms; let us join hands as we face both our history and our future, and together, let us shout with all our might:
Taiwan, I love you! Fellow citizens, let us work together!
Hou You-yi Releases Book: "319 Shooting Case Project Report"
Reporter Jin Ruxin and Peng Guangxu reported from Taipei
Published on: 2005/12/06 12:09
Director of the Criminal Investigation Bureau Hou You-yi has published a book titled "319 Presidential and Vice Presidential Shooting Case Project Report." The book spans over 400 pages and contains 160,000 words, and it makes extensive use of on-site evidentiary photographs. Its conclusion identifies Chen Yi-hsiung as the suspect involved in the case, and the publication is intended to dispel public doubts.
This 319 Shooting Case Project Report by Hou You-yi is about to hit the shelves. Its hefty 400-plus pages aim to substantiate the findings of a special task force—comprising over a hundred members and conducting over a year of investigation—that Chen Yi-hsiung’s involvement can withstand external scrutiny. As stated in the preface, the pursuit of truth is a lifelong commitment.
Director Hou You-yi stated, "The police have painstakingly gathered evidence piece by piece to reconstruct the truth of the matter, and the challenges we faced were extremely arduous."
The book is organized into seven chapters and makes extensive use of evidentiary photographs to establish credibility, much like forensic evidence analysis. It presents, for example, the image of the Mentholatum ointment applied to a wound on the Jeep at the very moment—the bloodstains on it matching those of President Chen—and details how the windshield of the presidential motorcade, while intact at one moment, later developed cracks as it passed in front of No. 10, Section 3, Jin-hua Road, proving that the hot zone of the gunfire was not baseless. Additionally, the report provides detailed analyses and comparisons of two confiscated bullets, and it also re-releases the contents of a desk calendar used by Chen Yi-hsiung.
From the physical evidence to the perpetrator’s intent, the report emphasizes that the two bullets are genuine, and under the comprehensive evidence and confessions provided by the police, Chen Yi-hsiung’s involvement is beyond doubt. The decision to publish the book was also prompted by the August press conference on the 319 case, where a 5-kilogram investigative report by the prosecution was revealed—yet many people still harbored doubts.
The 319 Project Report book will be available for purchase this month, and the public can find it in bookstores.
Taiwan Legislative Election Results: Pan-Blue Slightly Outperforms Pan-Green
BBC Chinese Service Reporter Wick
The Taiwan Legislative Yuan election has just concluded. The pan-Blue camp, composed of the Kuomintang (KMT), New Party, and People First Party (PFP)—three opposition parties—won a total of 116 seats, slightly over half. The pan-Green alliance, consisting of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), secured 101 seats.
The reactions from the pan-Blue and pan-Green camps to this result are completely different. This election outcome may lead to a new situation in Taiwan’s political arena.
After the election results were announced, some candidates were jubilant while others were sorrowful. The victors were extremely excited, thanking voters, family, and everyone, while the defeated candidates had tearful eyes and dejected expressions.
This atmosphere was also reflected in the faces of the leaders of the two major camps. Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian, who also serves as the DPP chairman, held a press conference with DPP central committee members, his expression somber, stating that he would take full responsibility for the poor election results. The DPP’s secretary-general and deputy secretary-general also offered their oral resignations.
Pan-Blue Camp Elated
The pan-Blue camp, which secured the majority of seats, was jubilant, with supporters celebrating at the KMT headquarters and lingering long after. KMT Chairman Lien Chan even declared that they would form a cabinet with their majority status. However, most analysts believe the chances of this becoming a reality are slim.
Nevertheless, after losing two consecutive presidential elections, the pan-Blue camp’s ability to maintain a majority in the Legislative Yuan has truly excited their supporters and greatly boosted morale.
Challenges for the President
In the next three years, incumbent President Chen Shui-bian will undoubtedly face strong challenges from the opposition in the legislature. Moreover, the DPP’s original plan to gain a majority in the parliament has now failed, which may also subject Chen Shui-bian to challenges from within the party.
As for the TSU, a party with a strong pro-independence stance, the decrease in seats reflects that the number of deep-green voters has temporarily reached a saturation point. However, the DPP, being in the minority, will still rely on cooperation with the TSU in the legislature.
After the election results were announced, PFP Chairman James Soong, whose party saw a decrease in seats, declared that the planned merger between the KMT and PFP would be postponed. Some TSU candidates accused the DPP of unfair “vote allocation,” causing votes to shift from TSU candidates to DPP candidates. The internal conflicts within both the pan-Blue and pan-Green camps have once again surfaced, leaving uncertainties for Taiwan’s political future.
Hu Jintao Meets Song Chu-yu, Chen Shui-bian in a Bind
Deutsche Welle Chinese, May 12, 2005
Chairman Song Chu-yu of the People First Party’s trip to Mainland China is nearing its end, and the most important event of his visit—his meeting with General Secretary Hu Jintao of the Communist Party of China—began this morning. Since Song Chu-yu had earlier reached a "ten-point consensus" with Taiwan’s President Chen Shui-bian this year, many outside observers believe that Song’s bridge-building journey holds even more practical significance than the ice-breaking trip recently completed by Lien Chan.
In his welcoming speech, Hu Jintao expressed his hope that through the People First Party delegation’s bridge-building journey, a bridge of mutual trust could be established between the Communist Party of China and the People First Party, as well as a communication bridge between the compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Hu Jintao also reiterated that the Communist Party of China and the People First Party are in agreement on the 1992 Consensus and opposing Taiwan independence, which is precisely why dialogue can take place. In his subsequent remarks, Song Chu-yu also affirmed the People First Party’s three principles—namely, the 1992 Consensus, opposition to Taiwan independence, and commitment to peace.
Song Chu-yu’s insistence on adhering to the 1992 Consensus during this trip has sparked intense debate within Taiwan. Recently, President Chen Shui-bian stated in a television interview that Song Chu-yu’s position does not represent the stance of the Taiwanese government. In relation to this issue, a Deutsche Welle Chinese reporter interviewed Dr. Rudolf, a China issues expert at the East Asia Center of Ludwigshafen University of Applied Sciences in Germany. He explained that the frequent interactions between the Chinese government and Taiwan’s opposition forces are primarily aimed at consolidating the Communist Party’s own regime.
"My feeling is that the Chinese Communist Party government is earnestly seeking to legitimize its rule through nationalism. China's rise is built on a large amount of foreign direct investment and external debt; therefore, the legitimacy of the Chinese government is quite fragile. As a result, using the Taiwan issue to rally support has become one of its strategies. Understanding this, it is not difficult to grasp the purpose behind the recent passage of the Anti-Secession Law by the former Chinese government. Taiwan’s President Chen Shui-bian does not want to see opposition party leaders visit Mainland China, but he himself was elected by a slim margin and does not hold a parliamentary majority; thus, his current predicament is very difficult."
Following the Hu-Song meeting, Taiwan is set to hold a functional National Assembly election, with both government and opposition actively preparing. Zheng Yushuo, a cross-strait issues expert from City University of Hong Kong, believes that the interactions between the opposition parties and the Mainland will have a significant impact on the election.
"From another perspective, we can see that because the opposition parties have garnered public support, they should secure over half the seats in the imminent National Assembly representative election. That would leave President Chen with little initiative when pushing for constitutional amendments. I believe their visit will have a considerable influence on this election."
Please attribute any reprints or quotations to “Deutsche Welle” and include our website: www.dw-world.de/chinese
Browse more related content:
Song Chu-yu’s Tsinghua Speech: "Ordinary, Down-to-Earth but Distinctive" – May 11, 2005
Starting with Song Chu-yu – "Three Days, Three Major Mysteries" – May 7, 2005
Taiwanese Media on Song Chu-yu’s "Bridge-Building Journey" – May 6, 2005
The Great Ballot Inspection: Blue Camp Pays 60 Million to Seek a Reversal
TVBS Taipei Report
Release Date: November 4, 2004, 07:13
On March 29, the KMT-PFP alliance (commonly referred to as the Blue Camp) formally filed a lawsuit challenging the validity of Chen Shui-bian and Annette Lu’s presidential election victory, demanding a comprehensive ballot inspection— a historic first. However, disputes erupted immediately over who should bear the costs. The Blue Camp then suggested inspecting only the ballots for candidate No. 1, sparking further debate over how to determine invalid votes. After half a month of wrangling, the ballot inspection finally began on May 10. Lawyers predicted that the vote gap between the two sides would shrink by 5,000 votes, but Chen and Lu would still lead by more than 24,000 votes, securing their win.
Members of the Special Task Force, armed and on high alert, transported over 16 million presidential ballots from across the country. The unprecedented ballot inspection on May 10 kicked off with intense arguments over the method: should it be an administrative inspection, a judicial inspection, or a hybrid of both? Ultimately, an emergency decree from the president was needed to resolve the issue, with both sides agreeing to let High Court judges oversee the process. Yet, an unexpected problem soon surfaced.
The estimated cost of the inspection exceeded 100 million NTD, triggering a blame game between the camps. At the first court hearing, lawyers from both sides clashed fiercely. The Blue Camp proposed splitting the cost evenly and inspecting only the ballots for candidate pair No. 1, but the judge rejected this, insisting that all ballots be examined. The Blue Camp then raised issues about the voter registry, leading to another half-month of disputes, followed by controversies over the criteria for invalid votes.
According to the Central Election Commission’s guidelines (specifically example No. 6), the Blue Camp argued that ballots with a mark in the designated area should be deemed valid. However, the court ruled that such marks could also be interpreted as intentional markings, classifying them as disputed and subject to judicial review. Before the inspection began, the High Court held a briefing on the procedure: all disputed ballots would be photocopied, numbered, recorded, and submitted to the collegial panel for verification.
The Blue Camp prepaid 60 million NTD for a chance to overturn the election result, mobilizing significant manpower and resources at a cost of nearly 20 million NTD. However, the outcome fell short of their expectations. Lee Fu-tien, a representative of the Blue Camp’s legal team, said, “Both sides saw increases and decreases in their vote counts. The gap between Lien-Song and Chen-Lu should narrow by about 5,000 votes.”
This meant that Chen and Lu’s original lead of over 29,000 votes would be reduced to more than 24,000 votes, still ensuring their victory. Ku Li-hsiung, a representative of Chen and Lu’s legal team, commented, “Given the hostility between the two sides at the time, a comprehensive ballot inspection was conducted to meet public expectations.”
TVBS reporter Ho Yi-shun reported, “To minimize controversy, the High Court judges decided to announce the results of the ballot inspection alongside the ruling on the election invalidation lawsuit. This historic and unprecedented judicial ballot inspection has exposed electoral flaws to public scrutiny. Whether it will bridge the divide depends on the wisdom and choices of the people. Nevertheless, you and I will bear witness to this landmark moment in history.”
"The Journalist" (2005): The Visit to China That Changed the KMT's Cross-Strait Policy for a Decade
In March 2005, Kuomintang (KMT) Vice Chairman Jiang Bingkun led a delegation to China,
altering the Blue Camp’s cross-strait policy. Issue 943 of The Journalist featured a special report on this event.
Why We Should Revisit This Report
Despite signs that the newly appointed KMT Chairman Eric Chu might shift the party’s foreign policy from pro-China to pro-US, the period following the party’s defeat in the early 2020 elections until Chu’s appointment showed that the KMT still clung to its pro-Beijing stance. This was evident in the Wuhan charter flight incident, where the party nearly turned from a mediator to a culprit.
After Lien Chan’s second defeat to Chen Shui-bian in 2004, he actively sought a political resurgence through China. Although he did not fully succeed, this marked a shift in the KMT’s policy—from the anti-communist stance of the Chiang era and the localization under Lee Teng-hui to a pro-China, pro-communist approach.
This new direction fueled the imagination of Taiwanese people about “prospering through dependence on China,” leading to Ma Ying-jeou’s record-high victory in 2008 and the second power transition. However, it also contributed to the KMT’s significant losses in 2016 and 2020 amid widespread anti-China sentiment in Taiwan. The KMT has tied its political fortunes closely to Taiwanese perceptions of China.
This all began 15 years ago with Jiang Bingkun’s visit to China. (The Journalist Editorial Department)
The Delegation’s Journey
KMT Vice Chairman Jiang Bingkun, under the direction of Party Chairman Lien Chan, led a delegation to China on March 27, 2005. The most crucial stop was in Beijing, where they might meet with Chinese economic and trade leaders like Jia Qinglin and negotiate the possibility of Lien Chan visiting China, hoping to create a final stage for the outgoing Lien.
Prepared to Take Responsibility
Insiders revealed that, given the strong backlash in Taiwan against the Anti-Secession Law and the US’s hope for China to show goodwill post-law, the KMT delegation was expected to reach a consensus with China on economic and trade issues. Upon returning, the KMT would report to the entire nation.
It is understood that after the Bian-Soong meeting, which aimed to break the cross-strait deadlock, the KMT did not step aside but became more proactive in their actions and plans.
In addition to the legislative agricultural and economic delegation that had previously visited China, Jiang Bingkun and others, under Lien Chan’s instructions, went to Guangzhou, Nanjing, and Beijing to meet with Taiwanese businessmen and “very high-level” Chinese officials to further discuss cross-strait economic and trade issues.
Notably, each evening’s itinerary included dinners with local officials, labeled as “banquets hosted by local officials.” Since the KMT was very secretive about whom they would meet and what topics would be discussed, the outcomes of the visit were highly anticipated.
The enthusiastic participation of party members also indicated that, beyond paying respects to the party’s founding fathers, there was a “possible opportunity” for Lien Chan to board the train of thawing cross-strait relations before stepping down.
KMT Spokesperson and Director of the Mainland Affairs Department, Zhang Ronggong, stated that the KMT could still interact with China because the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government had yet to find a way to do so. He said the delegation was prepared to take responsibility for the trip and would report to the public upon return. If any consensus required legislative changes, they would pursue them, and if cooperation with other parties was needed, they would negotiate. If the government did not cooperate, the DPP would be responsible, as obstructing cross-strait trade would harm the Taiwanese people more than China.
Economic and Historical Goals
According to authoritative sources, the dual focus of the KMT’s trip—economics and a pilgrimage—first targeted economic issues such as passenger charter flights and facilitating cargo transportation.
The source said, “Setting aside who deserves more credit for the Lunar New Year charter flights—whether it was the KMT’s mediation or the DPP government’s last-minute involvement—the facilitation of cross-strait cargo was a policy emphasized by President Chen Shui-bian to enhance Taiwan’s competitiveness. If China is now willing to push for this and the KMT delegation can serve as a communication bridge, whether the DPP government accepts the ball will be a new indicator of cross-strait interaction after the ‘anti-secession’ and ‘anti-anti-secession’ movements.”
Testing Cross-Strait Waters Post-Anti-Secession Law
The source also predicted that after passing the Anti-Secession Law, China faced two pressures: Taiwan’s “anti-anti-secession” sentiment and the US’s urging for China to show goodwill towards Taiwan. Therefore, the KMT’s economic goals for the trip were likely to receive a positive response from China. The subsequent challenge would be how to implement any consensus reached once back in Taiwan.
Extended Reading：
Taiwan Media: DPP Suffers Electoral Defeat – "Green Governance" Loses the People's Trust in Taiwan
Source: — Date: December 5, 2005, 14:01
TaiwanNet reported on December 5 that, regarding the DPP's failure in the Taiwanese county and city mayoral elections, Taiwanese media published commentary stating that the DPP's overwhelming defeat indicates that "green governance has lost the people's trust."
The article noted that in past Taiwanese county and city mayoral elections, the DPP had once won a record 12 seats in 1997, but its performance had steadily declined thereafter—dropping to 9 seats in 2001, and this year falling to only 6 seats, returning to the level seen before it first came to power in 1993.
The commentary pointed out that the DPP's crushing defeat was not only reflected in the overall loss of seats; losing long-held strongholds such as Taipei County, Yilan County, and Chiayi City was especially damaging. Even You Si-kun had to admit that "this election result shows that the people of Taiwan have grown disillusioned with the DPP."
At the same time, although before the election Su Tseng-chang publicly stated that the "Three-in-One" elections were local elections and not a mid-term or a vote of no confidence against the current government, the harsh election results clearly demonstrated that Taiwanese voters did not agree with that characterization. Premier Frank Hsieh also acknowledged this point. Moreover, Su Tseng-chang, who had resigned as DPP chairman following the electoral defeat, pointed out that this severe setback was a warning from the people of Taiwan to the DPP.
The article further noted that some DPP insiders analyzed the overall vote share this time as 44%, a drop of one percentage point from the previous election in 2001. However, when combined with many other factors, this contributed to an unprecedented defeat for the DPP. Among the most critical factors was the Kaohsiung MRT scandal, which caused Taiwanese citizens to begin doubting whether the DPP government was truly clean, leading to a comprehensive decline in the party's support and ultimately, its collapse at the end of the campaign.
In conclusion, the scandal led to the downfall of many DPP candidates, and although the DPP had been in power for more than five years, it only managed to hold on to its base in southern Taiwan, suffering total losses in indicator regions such as Yilan County, Chiayi City, and Taipei County. In response, both the authorities and DPP leaders had to acknowledge the deep disappointment of the Taiwanese people with the DPP government, necessitating a serious self-examination. And with Su Tseng-chang now having resigned from party affairs, the question of how to take responsibility for the election is the issue that the DPP must address first and foremost.
March 26, 2005
President Joins Family and the Nation's People in Participating in the "326 Democratic Peaceful Protection of Taiwan March"
On the day of the "326 Democratic Peaceful Protection of Taiwan March," President Chen Shui-bian, accompanied by his family, joined the people of Taiwan to march together and stand together. Alongside the participants, they voiced their call for "democracy and peace" to the other side of the Taiwan Strait and the international community.
Under a clear afternoon sky, people from all over Taiwan, regardless of age or gender, gathered on the streets of Taipei. They formed ten large contingents, each representing themes such as:
- "Protect Democracy"
- "Love Peace"
- "Want Freedom"
- "Want Unity"
- "Oppose Annexation"
- "Oppose Missiles"
- "Oppose Aggression"
- "Oppose Threats"
- "Protect Our Homeland"
- "Protect Taiwan"
Starting from different assembly points, they marched to Ketagalan Boulevard in front of the Presidential Office. Their message was unified: to express indignation and dissatisfaction with China's enactment of the "Anti-Secession Law" and its attempt to use "non-peaceful" means to invade democratic Taiwan.
At 3:00 PM, the President and his family—including his mother-in-law Wu Wang-hsia, daughter Chen Hsing-yu, son-in-law Chao Chien-ming, and grandson Chao Yi-an—arrived at the intersection of Renai Road and Hangzhou South Road in Taipei, where they were warmly welcomed by the crowd. They then joined the "Want Unity" contingent passing through the intersection. The President and his family, indistinguishable from the crowd, waved green cheering sticks emblazoned with "Democratic Peaceful Protection of Taiwan" and "PEACE," and chanted "Protect Democracy, Love Peace, Protect Taiwan" in rhythm with the marching procession. The entire participation lasted about thirty minutes. First Lady Wu Shu-chen, who had hoped to join the event, was unable to attend due to an incomplete recovery from a recent cold, as advised by her doctors.
At 5:00 PM, the President once again stood with the people of Taiwan at a rally organized by the "Democratic Peaceful Protection of Taiwan Alliance" at the intersection of Ketagalan Boulevard and Gongyuan Road. Holding a cheering stick, he joined the crowd on stage to chant "Protect Democracy, Love Peace, Protect Taiwan" and sang "He Is Our Treasure" together, bringing this historic event to a successful conclusion.
Earlier, Vice President Annette Lu also arrived at the scene to participate in the rally. She warmly greeted the people and, on behalf of the organizers, released colorful balloons symbolizing the main appeal of Democratic Peaceful Protection of Taiwan.
The final reckoning of the "Kaohsiung MRT scandal": 14 Thai workers who resisted the violence were sued by Huapan Company for damages of NT$19.67 million!
August 21, 2005: The Thai Labor Anti-Abuse Protest Reveals Collusion Behind Taiwan’s Public Works and the Massive Interests Behind the Foreign Labor Brokerage System
Debt Cleared After 11 Years and 7 Months of Continuous Work
Who still remembers the Kaohsiung Mass Thai Labor Workers? The lasting impression of them in Taiwanese society was that after being moved out of the internment camp, they ended up in clean new dormitories and received bento boxes with plenty of fish and meat. The days when they were subjected to docked wages, denied overtime pay, crammed into an iron shed spanning 600 ping with over 400 workers under scorching heat, managed by electric batons, forced into token consumption, banned from using mobile phones, and even sent back after work-related injuries—those days of enslavement seem to have become a thing of the past when Huapan Brokerage Company was stripped of its management qualifications due to its collusion with officials and businessmen.
Half a year later, just as the media’s focus on the Kaohsiung case had shifted from the abuse of foreign labor to the corruption and collusion behind it, the very same Huapan Company—once boldly vowing not to “settle accounts after autumn”—quietly filed a civil lawsuit on February 20 against 14 Kaohsiung Thai laborers, seeking NT$19,679,528 in “compensatory damages.” Huapan listed an extensive 34-item damage inventory, including an allegedly undocumented NT$2 million worth of welfare inventory, a NT$4 million receipt for loans, NT$1.25 million in cash from a safe, air conditioners, free depreciation items like freezers, and even a karaoke machine… In the complaint, the company even stated that “the plaintiffs are willing to provide guarantees for provisional execution,” a clear intimidation tactic to settle old scores. If one calculates based on a monthly salary of NT$15,840 for the Kaohsiung Thai laborers—after deductions for labor and health insurance, income tax, board and lodging, brokerage fees, and so forth—they would need to work continuously for 11 years and 7 months just to recoup this amount!
Power Brokers Let It Slide; International Slave Workers Suffer Twice
The “power brokers” continue to hold the core of authority, while the 14 Thai laborers who bravely protested against the abuse have been harshly crushed by a lawsuit amounting to nearly NT$20 million. This group even includes one Thai translator who was formerly employed by Huapan, but was retained by Kaohsiung due to his comparatively better treatment of Thai laborers. In the Kaohsiung case, although the former Deputy Secretary-General of the Presidential Office, Chen Che-nan, was indicted under the Corruption Prosecution Act for profiteering, the “illegal benefits” he received amounted to a mere NT$44,500—covering round-trip airfare between Bangkok and Jeju arranged by Huapan! The first-instance verdict is still pending, but it’s clear that the punishment will be minimal.
Meanwhile, the so-called “Shuang Chen,” who resigned from their posts amid the Kaohsiung Thai labor crisis, have long since shaken off the gloom and are now marching toward higher political positions. Former Kaohsiung Mayor Chen Chi-mai, after finishing a brief overseas “learning tour,” declared that he would “move forward with a grateful heart for the continuous development of the harbor city,” and many of his supporters have openly backed his bid for Kaohsiung’s mayoral election. Earlier, when the Kaohsiung case broke out, former Labor Committee Chairperson Chen Chu, who had solemnly declared “it is shameful to even think about elections now,” had already made his move in Kaohsiung, hoisting the banner of his candidacy and boasting about the glorious achievements during his tenure at the Labor Committee—never once mentioning the Kaohsiung Thai labor issue.
Foreign Labor Workers Unite Against the “New Slave Labor System”
The “Human Rights Investigation Report on Kaohsiung Thai Labor Workers” prepared by the Labor Committee’s Special Investigation Team stated: “The root causes of this protest lie primarily in the violation of basic rights of foreign laborers, the failure to guarantee proper working conditions, improper employer management, and substandard sanitary environments.” The facts have shown that Thai laborers made multiple formal complaints through proper channels, only to be ignored by labor officials. Ultimately, to free themselves from enslavement, they collectively rose up in protest. Their actions fully conform to the legal doctrines of “exculpatory circumstances” and “justification of defense” under the criminal code; they were exercising self-defense and necessary defense. Had it not been for their anti-slavery uprising, how would the collusion and corruption of the Kaohsiung case gradually have been exposed? How would the exploitative policies of labor brokerage have come under scrutiny?
Dozens of civil society organizations formed the “Thai Labor Anti-Abuse Legal Support Association” last August to follow the case closely. We believe that:
- Huapan Company has essentially turned people into slaves, a grave offense. The measures employed by Huapan in dealing with Kaohsiung Thai laborers clearly violate criminal laws regarding deprivation of liberty—including Article 296 on enslaving individuals, Article 302 on unlawful detention, Article 304 on coercion, and Article 305 on intimidation that endangers safety. The Thai laborers have formally retained lawyers from the support association to file criminal charges against Huapan.
- The prosecution’s indifference to the plight of slave laborers is a sham of fairness. The Kaohsiung Prosecutor’s Office simultaneously indicted Chen Che-nan, Chen Min-hsien, and four Thai laborers, handing out hefty penalties, without considering that all normal avenues of appeal for these foreign workers had failed. Their collective protest to escape enslavement fully falls under the doctrines of “exculpatory circumstances” and “justification of defense” under the criminal code—they were acting in self-defense. It is precisely because of these indictments that Huapan is now pursuing “criminal附帶民事訴訟” (civil claims attached to criminal proceedings) against the Thai laborers.
- The Labor Committee has failed, turning foreign laborers into modern-day slaves. The labor management system not only turned a blind eye when introducing foreign laborers to Kaohsiung but also neglected its supervisory duties and complaint-handling responsibilities. When the Thai labor protests exposed the enormous interest networks behind the brokerage system, the authorities were utterly helpless. We call on the Labor Committee to abolish the private brokerage system and implement direct state-to-state hiring—putting an end to Taiwan’s “new slave labor system.”
Taiwanese people may be forgetful, but anti-human rights stigmas leave an indelible mark on the international stage. In the 2005 World Human Rights Report for Taiwan, released by the U.S. State Department on March 8, nearly half of the report detailed the abuse suffered by Kaohsiung Thai laborers, directly attributing the issue to the extreme mistreatment of foreign workers and the exorbitant overcharging of brokerage fees. When the perpetrators use judicial proceedings to demand exorbitant compensation from the victims, Taiwan’s human rights record will once again be shamed by our silence.
Contacts: Taiwan International Labor Association – Chen Su-hsiang, 0937-990044
Hope Workers’ Center – Li Li-hua, 0955-565694
Ministry of National Defense Criticizes Opposition Legislators for Boycotting Military Procurement
The Merit Times 2004.11.11
[Taipei, The Merit Times] The NT$610.8 billion military procurement bill failed to pass in the legislature just before the elections. Yesterday, the Ministry of National Defense issued a rare statement condemning opposition party legislators for boycotting the bill, and emphasized that it would never withdraw the special military procurement budget. Meanwhile, the Kuomintang urged the Ministry to remain administratively neutral and not become an electoral tool for the DPP.
Opposition legislators demanded that the Ministry first withdraw the NT$610.8 billion special military procurement budget before agreeing to submit the draft bill to the committee for review. In response, military spokesperson Huang Sui-sheng pointed out that there is precedent for submitting both the legal basis and the budget for review simultaneously—just as the Legislative Yuan has done with expanded public construction projects. Thus, the Ministry of National Defense absolutely will not retract the budget proposal for revision.
In its statement, the Ministry noted that while legislators may outwardly support military procurement, in reality they irrationally oppose it based on certain political stances. The Ministry sincerely hopes that future sessions of the Legislative Yuan will feature rational legislators who truly consider the people's interests and genuinely support defense policies. It also criticized retired generals who have labeled the procurement case as "fool’s military procurement."
On the other hand, according to a survey conducted by the TVBS Polling Center on behalf of the Ministry, among the main productive force of society—the middle-aged—the percentage of those opposed to military procurement is higher than that of supporters. Specifically, 47.7% of those aged 30 to 39 and 49.2% of those aged 40 to 49 opposed the military procurement. However, on average, supporters still outnumber opponents, at 46.2% compared to 40.5%.
Kao Chin Su-mei's Protest at Yasukuni Shrine Blocked, Expresses Strong Dissatisfaction and Disappointment
China News Service, June 14, 2005, 15:00
Tokyo, June 14 (Reporter Teng Jianfeng) - This morning, the "Taiwan Indigenous Takasago Giyūtai Bereaved Families Delegation to Japan," led by Taiwanese Atayal tribeswoman Kao Chin Su-mei, attempted to hold a protest at the Yasukuni Shrine. However, their efforts were thwarted due to persistent obstruction by Japanese right-wing forces and the Tokyo police. At a subsequent international press conference, Kao Chin Su-mei voiced strong dissatisfaction and disappointment.
Kao Chin Su-mei stated, "Japan prides itself on being a civilized and rational nation, but what we have witnessed today has truly left us deeply angered and disappointed. We coordinated with the Japanese police and the Yasukuni Shrine prior to this protest, yet the Japanese government and the shrine deceived us."
According to delegation members, upon arriving in Japan yesterday, they encountered two Chinese-speaking Japanese individuals who opposed their demand to "return our ancestors' spirits." These individuals identified themselves as members of the Lee Teng-hui Friendship Association and threatened to mobilize over a hundred members to counter the protest at the Yasukuni Shrine.
Due to the near-rogue obstruction by these individuals and Japanese right-wing forces, the delegation's convoy was unable to approach the Yasukuni Shrine. Kao Chin Su-mei emphasized that no amount of interference or disruption would weaken their resolve to have the names of the Takasago Giyūtai victims removed from the shrine. She further explained, "The demand for removal stems from the fact that perpetrators and victims cannot be enshrined together; day and night cannot coexist." She described Japan's colonial rule over Taiwan's indigenous people as "two generations of genocide": adults were massacred while resisting Japanese invasion, and children were subjected to brainwashing in "barbarian child education classes," only to be forcibly conscripted into the Takasago Giyūtai later and sent to the South Pacific as cannon fodder. Kao Chin Su-mei pointed out that the Japanese government's refusal to remove the victims' names from the shrine reflects an unwillingness to acknowledge its history of invasion and colonization, suggesting that Japan still harbors dreams of militarism.
During the press conference, the delegation presented numerous historical photographs documenting the atrocities committed by the Japanese colonial regime against Taiwanese indigenous people. Most of these images were captured by Japanese military photographers at the time, serving as profound evidence of historical truth. Unable to reach the Yasukuni Shrine, representatives from each tribe sang their ethnic spiritual songs at the press conference to mourn their ancestors.
It is understood that this marks the seventh time in three years that Taiwanese indigenous people have traveled to Japan to demand the removal of the Takasago Giyūtai victims' names from the Yasukuni Shrine. The 60-member delegation comprises representatives from various tribes, including the Tao, Atayal, Truku, Amis, Puyuma, Paiwan, and Rukai. Kao Chin Su-mei and her group will also proceed to the Osaka High Court to participate in a lawsuit challenging Prime Minister Koizumi’s visits to the Yasukuni Shrine. (End)
Bian: Changing the National Title During My Term is Not Possible
Liberty Times, 2005/03/02 06:00
[By Reporter Tian Shih-hao / Taipei]
President Chen Shui-bian stated yesterday that he must candidly admit it is not possible to change the national title to “Republic of Taiwan” during the remainder of his presidential term. He explained that the ruling party does not hold a majority in the Legislative Yuan. Even if he had the intention, the objective environment makes it impossible. “I cannot fool myself, nor can I fool others—what cannot be done simply cannot be done.” He added that former President Lee Teng-hui didn’t manage to achieve this during his twelve years in office, and “even if he were given the presidency today, I believe he still wouldn’t be able to do it.”
Chen made these remarks during a video conference yesterday with members of the European Parliament and media representatives.
He reiterated that Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country, with the official name of the Republic of China. Therefore, there is no issue of declaring independence. Changing the national title from the Republic of China to the Republic of Taiwan would require the approval of three-fourths of the legislature, and given the current distribution of seats, the ruling party does not command that level of support—making such a move unfeasible even if desired.
Chen emphasized that in light of recent reconciliation between political camps and cooperation among parties, especially after the Bian-Song meeting, some individuals have resigned from advisory roles in protest. These resignations were based on his refusal to declare independence or change the national title. Nonetheless, he reiterated his commitment to focus on doing more for the people during the remaining three-plus years of his presidency.
Regarding constitutional reform, Chen reiterated his belief that in order to enhance Taiwan’s competitiveness, a constitutional overhaul is necessary. Taiwan’s current system is neither presidential, parliamentary, nor dual-executive. A clear decision must be made on which constitutional model to adopt. He stressed that this is unrelated to the issue of unification versus independence, and that any changes involving sovereignty or territory would not be touched before domestic consensus on constitutional reform is reached.
[By Reporter Huang Chung-jung / Taipei]
Last night, President Chen again emphasized in a video conference with the European Parliament that following last year’s March 20 referendum, public referenda are no longer seen as a terrifying concept. He stated that upcoming constitutional reform efforts would incorporate the people’s right to referendum into the constitution.
10 Points Ignite Backlash, DPP in Turmoil
[By Reporters Chiu Yen-ling and Lee Hsin-fang / Taipei]
The effects of the Bian-Song meeting continue to ripple. During the DPP’s Central Standing Committee meeting yesterday, Chen Chi-sheng, Chair of the DPP’s Arbitration Committee, harshly criticized President Chen. “Bian used to advocate renaming the country and drafting a new constitution, and now he backtracks—that’s deception,” he said. “I’m a member of the Constitutional Reform Committee. If Bian won’t do it, we’ll do it ourselves.” He also urged the DPP to repair its relationship with local pro-independence groups.
Chen Chi-sheng is among the most respected lawyers from the Formosa Incident defense team, and is held in high esteem by Chen Shui-bian, Su Tseng-chang, Frank Hsieh, and others. Though usually reserved within the party, he is known to speak out at critical moments.
The ten-point consensus reached in the Bian-Song meeting triggered strong reactions from grassroots advocacy groups. During yesterday’s DPP Central Standing Committee meeting, Chen Chi-sheng directly expressed his dissatisfaction with the ten-point agreement.
In response, the DPP launched a communication campaign among local public officials to explain the consensus and ease tensions. Su Tseng-chang stated he would personally reach out to grassroots groups, though he acknowledged that such reconciliation will take time. “This isn’t a math problem—it’s a matter of sincerity between people.”
Additionally, the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) reported yesterday that many disappointed DPP members have started to defect and join the TSU. In recent days, the TSU headquarters and its local branches have seen a surge in inquiries about party membership. Some grassroots DPP officials have even planned to “defect with their guns,” and DPP township and municipal leaders are expected to officially join the TSU in the coming days.
[By Reporter Wang Ping-yu / Taipei]
Premier Hsieh yesterday cited former Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori, saying that when facing backlash from former comrades, allies, and especially seniors, the only way to coexist is to “endure, endure, and endure again”—a form of endurance that “has no bottom line.”
In response to increasing public calls for the government to take a stronger stance against China’s “Anti-Secession Law,” Hsieh said the government should avoid overreacting at this time.
Chen Ding-nan Dies at 63
[November 6, 2006]
Chen Ding-nan, a prominent Taiwanese political figure who served as Yilan County Magistrate, Legislator, Minister of Justice, and Vice President, passed away at 2:00 p.m. Taipei time (6:00 a.m. UTC) on November 5, 2006, due to lung cancer. He was 63 years old.
Born in Sanxing Township, Yilan County, Chen graduated from the Department of Law at National Taiwan University. After completing his military service, he worked as a salesman and sales manager, and was also employed by Formosa Plastics Group. Following the Lin family murder case, he entered politics and ran for Yilan County Magistrate, becoming the first non-Kuomintang candidate to be elected to the position. After the DPP took power in 2000, Chen was appointed Minister of Justice, a position he held until March 2004, when he resigned to run as a vice presidential candidate. Notably, he was one of the few cabinet members who remained relatively unchanged during the DPP’s time in power. Chen turned to legislative politics in 1989, securing nearly half of the votes, and was re-elected four years later. Riding a rising tide of popularity, he represented the DPP in the 1994 election for the first Taiwan Provincial Governor, facing then-iconic Song Chu-yu. In that contest, Chen suffered his first defeat, receiving only 38% of the vote.
In 2000, with the DPP in power, Chen took on the role of Minister of Justice, earning a reputation for his meticulous and frugal style, which garnered him the nickname "Chen Qing-tian." Over his 25-year political career, from local to central government, Chen maintained his integrity and distinctive approach to governance despite the turbulent and corrupt political climate.
After the 2004 presidential election, Chen began experiencing persistent coughing and, in April 2006, was diagnosed with stage III lung cancer. He was hospitalized for treatment, during which he blogged with the title "Good Morning, Death" to express his feelings about fighting the disease. Despite his efforts, his condition worsened, and he ultimately passed away at National Taiwan University Hospital in Taipei.
In his will, Chen requested a simple funeral for his family—no public memorial services, no floral tributes or condolence banners—and that his body be cremated within 72 hours.
Following Chen Ding-nan’s death, the Legislative Yuan is expected to hold a by-election for a new vice presidential candidate within three months. Whether the pan-blue-controlled legislature will support the candidate nominated by President You Si-kun remains to be seen.
On This Day in History: Chen Shui-bian Announces the Termination of the National Unification Guideline
Published on 2024-02-28 by Wu Sam
#Lee Teng-hui Established the National Unification Committee and the National Unification Guideline to Consolidate His Regime
On January 13, 1988, the dictator Chiang Ching-kuo suddenly spat blood and died at his Qihai residence, symbolizing the possible end of the Chiang family’s all-encompassing authoritarian rule. Vice President Lee Teng-hui then succeeded him as President of the Republic of China. As a vulnerable president, Lee found himself constantly under threat from the old party-state forces; he was a president living on the edge, always at risk of being ousted.
In 1990, with infighting between the mainstream and non-mainstream factions of the Kuomintang reaching a fever pitch—especially following the "February Political Struggle" of that year—Lee Teng-hui understood that only by stabilizing the situation could he pursue his ambitions. Therefore, on October 7, 1990, Lee established the "National Unification Committee" (simply "NUC") within the Presidential Office. This body, which had a purely consultative role, was not intended to achieve unification with China, but rather to reduce obstacles and consolidate power—thus preventing the Kuomintang from using Chinese policy as an excuse to undermine Lee's authority.
However, on February 23, 1991, under mounting pressure, Lee Teng-hui, at the third meeting of the consultative NUC, approved the "National Unification Guideline" (simply "NUG"), which became the highest policy guiding China-related matters, and on March 24 it was passed by a resolution of the Executive Yuan. The primary goal of the NUG was “to build a democratic, free, and prosperous China,” to be achieved in three phases, with the ultimate aim of “jointly discussing the great cause of unification.”
#Chen’s Sincere Heart in Exchange for Callousness
In 2000, Taiwan experienced its first peaceful transfer of power, with Chen Shui-bian emerging victorious as President. At his inauguration, Chen declared his “Four Noes and One Without” pledge: as long as the Chinese Communist Party had no intention to use military force against Taiwan, he guaranteed that during his term “he would not declare independence, not change the national title, not enshrine the Two-State Theory in the constitution, not promote referenda on altering the status quo regarding unification versus independence, nor abolish the National Unification Guideline and the National Unification Committee.”
After taking office, Chen proceeded to pass amendments to the "Cross-Strait Relations Act" that greatly relaxed restrictions on people-to-people exchanges between Taiwan and China, and he opened up the "Kinmen, Matsu, and the Three Links." Chen even invited Jiang Zemin, the leader of the Chinese Communist Party, to come and have tea on Taiwan—but he never received any gesture of goodwill from China.
On July 23, 2002, when diplomatic ally Nauru established ties with the Chinese Communist Party, it was precisely on the day Chen Shui-bian assumed the DPP party chairmanship. In response to the “great gift” from China, Chen lashed out, declaring, “Taiwan must forge its own path!”
Perhaps China either missed the opportunity or never intended to resume negotiations, which is why Chen’s gestures of goodwill were trampled underfoot, while China relentlessly poached the diplomatic allies of the Republic of China, greedily advancing step by step.
Then, on August 3, 2002, President Chen, via video conference at the World Taiwan Congress held in Japan, delivered a speech launching the “One Country on Each Side” theory, sweeping away the disappointment his inauguration “Four Noes and One Without” had once evoked among his supporters and democratic elders.
Subsequently, Chen refrained from using Chinese cultural and military intimidation, instead resorting to a series of defensive referendum proposals—“Strengthening National Defense” and “Equal Negotiations.” Despite these referenda receiving as much as 90% approval, they were ultimately invalidated due to a boycott by the Kuomintang, failing to meet the required threshold. Nonetheless, they conveyed Taiwan’s unwavering determination never to succumb.
#The Chinese Communist Party Enacts the Anti-Secession Law
On March 14, 2005, the National People's Congress of China passed the "Anti-Secession Law." The law, consisting of 10 articles, includes Article 8, which states: “Should Taiwan’s pro-independence separatist forces, under any name or by any means, cause Taiwan to secede from China, or if a major event occurs that will result in Taiwan’s secession from China, or if the possibility of peaceful unification is completely lost, the state may adopt non-peaceful measures and other necessary actions to safeguard national sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Even though Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao stated at a press conference afterward that “this law is intended to strengthen and advance cross-strait relations and is not targeted against the Taiwanese people, nor is it a law of war,” the underlying message was clear—this Anti-Secession Law is aimed squarely at the Taiwanese people, leaving no doubt.
For the then Chen Shui-bian government, which was in a vulnerable position, this law posed a formidable challenge.
#A-Bian Who Refuses to Bow to China
On March 16 of the same year, Chen Shui-bian delivered a speech expressing strong discontent at the Chinese Communist Party’s unreasonable and unruly actions. In response, the entire DPP Central Committee, along with local party branches, the Taiwan Solidarity Union, and more than 500 indigenous organizations, mobilized to launch the “326 Protect Taiwan Massive Parade.” With 10 routes calling upon millions of people to take to the streets, Chen himself participated as the “head of state,” creating the largest protest in Taiwan’s history.
On February 27, 2006, during a National Security Council meeting, a resolution was passed to terminate the operations of the National Unification Committee and to cease the application of the National Unification Guideline. The following day, Chen Shui-bian formally approved the termination of the NUC and the discontinuation of the NUG in an official memorandum. On February 28, during the 228 Commemoration activities, he publicly declared, “The people of Taiwan will never accept this historical fallacy. This decision faces immense pressure—from internal forces and from calls for recall—but I am determined to return the ultimate decision over Taiwan’s future to the people. Has Chen Shui-bian ever been wrong?”
Terminating the National Unification Guideline and the National Unification Committee allowed Taiwan to finally escape the “One China” strait that necessitated unification with China, and it more effectively curbed the continual drift of Taiwan’s policies toward China. This termination declared that Taiwan’s future sovereignty would no longer be dictated by the notion propagated by the Kuomintang or China that “ultimate unification is the only path.” From the perspective of self-determination, the Taiwanese people deserve and should have greater autonomy in deciding their own future.
📝Editor: Wu Shengxian (Commissioner of the New Taiwan Peace Foundation)
#Chen Shui-bian #Lee Teng-hui #National Unification Program #National Unification Committee #Anti-Secession Law #Referendum
After the Million-People Anti-Chen Movement: On Political Negotiation as a Solution to Taiwan’s Current Political Stalemate
Strait Review Issue 190 - October 2006
From the beginning of Shih Ming-te’s sit-in on September 9 to the encirclement of the Presidential Office by 750,000 people on September 15, the tide of anti-corruption and anti-Chen protests showed no signs of abating, and it soon spread to other cities. Fearing that widespread mobilization would only provoke further confrontation, the Anti-Chen headquarters canceled their “flowers in every field” plan, but at the same time announced a “Nationwide Siege” scheduled for October 10.
Shih Ming-te has repeatedly declared his resolve, while Chen Shui-bian has vowed not to step down, even designating figures like Chien Hsi-chieh for the eventual leadership succession of the movement should the worst occur. Chen himself has repeatedly warned that he will not resign before his term is up. Both sides remain deadlocked, and clashes between anti-Chen and pro-Chen crowds have erupted in various locales.
But can Chen Shui-bian truly cling to power? According to the Constitution, aside from the threat of internal chaos or foreign invasion, as long as Chen remains in office he is immune from criminal prosecution; without criminal charges, no one can hold him accountable. His corruption cases can only be pursued after his term ends.
When neither the judiciary nor morality can constrain Chen Shui-bian—and he shows no sign of resigning—the only political remedy is a recall vote. Yet that, too, faces its own hurdles. The recall must pass a two-thirds threshold in the Legislative Yuan, and the KMT’s previous attempt to recall Chen failed to reach that benchmark. Therefore, only if President Ma Ying-jeou calls on the DPP to initiate a recall—and the KMT unconditionally supports it—can the necessary two-thirds threshold be overcome.
Is it possible that the DPP will launch a recall of Chen? We believe it is not out of the question. The DPP is not a well-disciplined, tightly trained army; even an army can collapse when subjected to enough pressure. If Chen Shui-bian’s hold on power is weakened sufficiently, the DPP might well decide to cut ties with him and even initiate a recall.
We identify three potential timing windows for such a recall:
- The first opportunity arises when the investigation into the National Affairs Fund concludes and prosecutors indict Chen’s cronies—even though Chen himself cannot be indicted while in office, those around him, such as Wu Shucheng and Ma Yongcheng, have already been charged. Although Chen himself remains unindicted, his wrongdoing is evident. This would be the first chance for the DPP to sever ties with him, thereby paving the way for a recall vote in the Legislative Yuan.
- The second opportunity comes at the end of this year’s elections in Taipei and Kaohsiung. A crushing defeat for the DPP would force the entire party to realize that failing to separate from Chen Shui-bian would render them obsolete in future electoral battles. In a bid to preserve their political futures, DPP politicians might then launch a recall of Chen.
- The third opportunity would occur when the DPP’s presidential candidate emerges and the nominations for Legislative Yuan candidates are finalized next year. At that point, these presidential and legislative nominees would no longer be under the control of You Si-kun (Chen Shui-bian) and would have to disassociate themselves from him by supporting a recall.
We believe the third timing is the most likely, although variables remain. Historically, even though Mao Zedong pursued policies contrary to his party’s interests in his later years, he maintained control over the Chinese Communist Party’s power structure until his death; similarly, Lee Teng-hui’s “localization” split the KMT and incurred widespread public wrath, but he remained in control until he was eventually ousted by grassroots party members (or by the intervention of the United States).
Although Yao Chia-wen recently relayed Chen Shui-bian’s claim that “the president cannot be indicted for corruption regardless of what happens with his son-in-law or wife, and whether or not the prosecutors decide to investigate is irrelevant,” and that “he will absolutely not resign mid-term; he will ensure that the next direct presidential election is well-prepared for 2008,” (as reported by United Daily on September 19) Chen also warned, “If I am forced out, the entire DPP will collapse, and Taiwan will be taken over by China—Taiwan will be finished,” (as reported by China Times on September 20).
But under Chen Shui-bian’s leadership, can the DPP win the 2008 presidential election? If these three windows are missed, then in the Legislative Yuan elections at the end of next year and the 2008 presidential election, the DPP will have to run under Chen Shui-bian’s leadership. If the DPP fails to seize these opportunities to initiate a recall and separate itself from Chen, then the DPP’s governance—and even its political survival—will end along with Chen Shui-bian’s power.
Amid the deadlock and incessant clashes between the anti-Chen and pro-Chen factions, on September 20 the China Times reported: “Former President Lee Teng-hui is deeply concerned about Taiwan’s turmoil and has decided to act when the opportunity arises. He prefers that figures such as KMT Honorary Chairman Lien Chan, People First Party Chairman Song Chu-yu, and Academia Sinica President Lee Yuan-tseh step forward to negotiate a consensus; subsequently, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping would communicate with President Chen in the hope of establishing a high-consensus exit mechanism to resolve the political impasse.” “Such an exit mechanism must consider more than just whether Chen steps down—it requires enough flexibility to be viable.” “Lee Teng-hui is well aware of President Chen’s repeated declarations of ‘never resigning,’ but the situation is dire for Taiwan’s future. One thing is clear: any negotiated exit mechanism must focus on 'solving problems' rather than merely debating whether or not Chen should step down.”
In response to this information, Chen’s camp immediately replied, “As long as he does not insist on stepping down, there will be room for negotiation,” including on issues such as “restructuring power.” “Whether it involves constitutional reforms or a so-called 'restructuring of power'—that is, the president relinquishing his cabinet-forming authority so that the majority party can form a government—is all negotiable.”
In plain terms, this proposal means that if Wang Jing-ping were to serve as Premier in exchange for Chen Shui-bian not resigning, the political maneuvering would involve sacrificing figures like Su Tseng-chang and marginalizing Ma Ying-jeou, with Lee Teng-hui and Wang Jing-ping dominating Taiwan’s future political scene.
But the corruption lies with Chen Shui-bian, not Su Tseng-chang, and it is Su Tseng-chang who would be forced out, not Chen Shui-bian. Can Shih Ming-te agree to that? Can the millions of anti-Chen protesters agree? Where is the public’s sense of justice? And what of Taiwan’s political justice?
Wang Jing-ping, a KMT party-list legislator serving as Legislative Yuan Speaker, is expected to be chosen by the minority party spirit leader of the Taiwan Solidarity Union, Lee Teng-hui, to head a government formed by the majority party. Is this even possible? This is nothing more than a stratagem to split Ma Ying-jeou’s KMT!
We believe that the way to resolve Taiwan’s current political stalemate is not through political scheming but by returning to the proper principle that “government must be upright.” Leaders of all political parties, heads of parliamentary caucuses, and the heads of Taiwan’s five branches (except for the Control Yuan) should initiate a political consultation conference. Following constitutional procedures, they should demand that Chen Shui-bian step down and that the Vice President assume his duties, to avoid government paralysis and further societal division. There are two possible negotiation approaches:
- Chen Shui-bian resigning entirely may be impossible, but his successor could pledge, under presidential prerogative, to pardon Chen and his wife Wu Shucheng, thereby prompting Chen to step down voluntarily. Although this sacrifices judicial fairness, it is the least socially costly option.
- If Chen refuses to resign as per the first option, negotiations could lead to a Legislative Yuan vote for his recall. This recall could be implemented alongside the upcoming elections in Taipei and Kaohsiung at the end of the year, minimizing the DPP’s losses. Under the current constitutional framework of dual leadership, the government could then be formed by the majority party or alliance in the legislature.
After the million-people anti-Chen movement, Chen Shui-bian resorted once again to his old tricks—raising constitutional reform and the idea of Taiwan joining the United Nations under the name “Taiwan”—in a bid to win over supporters of Taiwan independence. But these attempts fell flat; all he managed to do was to change the name of “Chung Cheng International Airport” to “Taoyuan International Airport.”
Following the million-people anti-Chen movement, Chen Shui-bian’s Minnan chauvinism and Taiwan independence fascism finally went bankrupt, stripping him of his sacred aura. Perhaps Taiwanese society can finally break the spell, restore rationality, and rethink Taiwan’s future. This, at the very least, is one valuable outcome for Taiwanese society.
As for Shih Ming-te and the Pan-Green figures who stirred up this anti-Chen wave, whether they will go on to lead the reformed DPP in a post-Chen era remains to be seen.
Correcting Wrong-Way Driving – Legislator Lai Ching-te Assaulted, Resulting in a Ruptured Cornea
Reporter: Chen Miao-hsin
Published: July 25, 2004, 17:22
This afternoon, Legislator Lai Ching-te was standing outside his home when he attempted to correct three men driving the wrong way, only to be viciously beaten by them and their accomplices wielding baseball bats. The assault left Lai with multiple bruises all over his body and a ruptured right cornea. Due to the severity of his injuries, he remains under hospital observation. The three suspects were arrested on the spot and insist that they do not know who Lai Ching-te is.
Lai was struck with baseball bats by the three men, resulting in a swollen, bruised face; he was even beaten so severely that his right cornea was ruptured, and he was rushed to the hospital for emergency treatment. His assistant, covered in Lai’s blood, recounted that Lai had merely tried to correct their wrong-way driving when he was attacked. “Their attitude was very poor. Legislator Lai said this is a one-way street, and even mentioned that he is a legislator, but they simply ignored him and started beating him, knocking him unconscious,” said his assistant, Tsai Shun-tien.
Family members and supporters, with anxious expressions, refused to leave the hospital, while the three attackers were caught at the scene. The white sedan they were driving was littered with Lai’s blood at the rear and on the road, and the bat used in the assault was found inside the vehicle. Another black car had arrived as backup. The three men, who once exhibited a fierce attitude, now cowered with their heads down and faces concealed, claiming that the assault was merely due to a verbal altercation and a momentary loss of control. When asked by a reporter, “Did he say he was a legislator?” one suspect replied, “No.” When pressed, “Do you know him?” the suspect answered, “I don’t know him.”
They repeatedly emphasized that they acted out of impulse. However, since Lai Ching-te’s service office had been receiving numerous threatening phone calls in recent days, many supporters suspect that these three men may have been incited by someone and that their motive was not as simple as it appeared. In addition to reviewing the call records from the service office, the police will conduct an in-depth investigation into the attackers’ motives.
Li Ao Shakes the Chinese Realm: Challenging Authoritarianism with Wisdom
Asia Weekly, Issue 40, 2005/9/26-10/2
Li Ao’s “Shenzhou Cultural Journey” — dubbed the “River-Crossing Dragon” — began with a bang. His inaugural speech at Peking University broke new ground on the limits of free expression in Mainland China. In doing so, he shattered the old stereotype that critics only lambasted the Kuomintang while sparing the Communists. Brandishing the red flag to fight against the red flag, he exposed the contradictions inherent in the authoritarian system and called for constitutional remedies, leaving officials at a loss for words. The Ministry of Propaganda even ordered the media to downplay his speech to minimize its impact. In truth, Li Ao advocated for the people to harness their wisdom and knowledge to drive modern reforms, sparking widespread astonishment and heated discussion across Chinese online communities, with his disruptive impact quickly taking hold.
After Li Ao’s speech at Peking University, just an hour and a half later, the Central Propaganda Department issued a directive to local publicity authorities, instructing them to tone down reports of his address and strictly control the content, prohibiting unauthorized rebroadcasts. Some local propaganda departments, when relaying the notice to mainstream local media, explained that “downplaying” simply meant mentioning that he gave a speech—while adding a bit more detail about the mutual gift exchanges between Li Ao and the university. They were even allowed to provide more detailed coverage of his other activities that day, such as his visit to the university library and his meeting with a young cancer patient at a hospital. That same afternoon at 2:00 p.m., Channel 4 of China Central Television (an international channel) broadcast reports of mixed reviews from Mainland scholars on Li Ao’s speech, in compliance with the directive from the Propaganda Department. Under pressure, Phoenix TV also refrained from rebroadcasting Li Ao’s speech at Peking University.
So, what kind of person is Li Ao? To truly understand him, one must observe both his words and actions, and Li Ao’s words are often startling. His speech at Peking University was highly anticipated. What would he say? How would he answer the probing questions of the students? On September 21, the long wait ended. Li Ao spoke about liberalism and extolled the benefits of a free and open press, declared that Marxism is a deception, expressed support for full Westernization, and called on the people to strategically resist the government. He even argued that universities should allow “reactionary” professors to continue teaching and quoted Mao Zedong to assert that the Chinese Communist Party is doomed to vanish…
Taiwan Laehong: Chiang Kai-shek’s “Year-End”
Published: April 26, 2007, 10:06 GMT / 18:06 Beijing Time
Taiwan Laehon BBC Chinese Special Correspondent Yang Meng-yu
If Chiang Kai-shek could hear from underground, he would surely find the flavor of this year-end far from pleasant.
As soon as the Lunar New Year passes, Taiwan’s 228 Memorial Day looms large—and this year marks the 60th anniversary of the 228 Incident as well as the 20th anniversary of the lifting of martial law. Naturally, the DPP isn’t one to let such “big events” go by without a fight.
DPP Chairman You Si-kun has already set the tone, casting Chiang Kai-shek as the “culprit” behind the 228 Incident, and a series of anti-Chiang actions have been launched.
It seems that DPP insiders truly harbor a deep hatred for Chiang Kai-shek—even though he passed into history more than 30 years ago, they still long to “get rid” of him as quickly as possible. They’ve already removed the “Chung Cheng” name from Chung Cheng International Airport, and the dismantling of Chiang Kai-shek’s statues in military camps is gradually underway. You Si-kun has even proposed that the government should withdraw the guards stationed at Cihu, where Chiang’s casket lies, on the grounds that “we must no longer guard a dictator.”
In this process of “removing Chiang,” perhaps the most awkward figure is Defense Minister Li Chieh. Some KMT legislators argue that since Chiang Kai-shek is the founder of the ROC’s national army, how can the Ministry of National Defense not take a stance on how to handle his legacy when current leaders treat him in this manner?
When asked about the removal of Chiang’s statues in the military, Li Chieh remarked, “Why shouldn’t we remove them? My position is difficult enough already. Removing the statues doesn’t mean discarding them altogether—it simply means relocating them to where they belong, like taking them to a historical museum for proper curation. If the opposition party comes to power next time, they can always have me bring them out again!”
Listening to such talk of “switching governments and then putting the statues back out,” one can only wonder whether Defense Minister Li Chieh is too honest or too adept at playing the game. Be careful now—if the DPP government simply orders you not only to dismantle Chiang Kai-shek’s statues but also to burn or destroy them, let’s see if you’ll ever be able to bring them out again.
It’s been roughly a year of all this hassle over removing Chiang Kai-shek’s statues from the military, and the efficiency of the Ministry of National Defense really can’t compare to that of “private companies.”
Reclaiming Names
Look at this: around February 8, President declared that “Chunghwa Post” and “China Petroleum” should be renamed with “Taiwan” instead. And in less than a week—by February 12—the signs for “Taiwan Post” and “Taiwan CPC” were already up, allowing President to happily host the unveiling ceremony.
President said, “Today, we are rebranding ‘Chunghwa Post’ as ‘Taiwan Post,’ not only to align with mainstream public opinion that insists on maintaining Taiwan’s subjectivity, but also to restore the historical original appearance. In innovation, there is also a sense of heritage.”
Well said! “Innovative yet preserving tradition”—but this is a major undertaking. After all, in Taiwan, there are countless organizations and companies with names starting with “Chung.” And now that the DPP no longer regards Sun Yat-sen as the Father of the Nation and despises Chiang Kai-shek, after eliminating Sun, Chiang, and even “Chunghwa,” who will be next in line?
Will it be China Airlines or Chunghwa Telecom? Nearly every county and city in Taiwan has a Zhongshan Road, a Chungcheng Road, or a Chunghwa Road—and these are usually the largest and busiest streets. Should all of these be renamed as well? Some even ask: will we still celebrate the Chinese New Year? After all, the Lunar New Year has been passed down from Chinese culture—should we establish a distinct “Taiwan New Year” instead?
Changing Fortunes
In fact, everyone seems to have misunderstood the government’s good intentions. Isn’t there a saying that renaming something can change one’s fate? The DPP government has renamed airports that people frequent, the post offices you visit regularly, and the CPC stations where you refuel. They must be trying to help Taiwan change its destiny.
We hope that everyone can live better, that Taiwan can flourish, and of course, we also hope that the new year under the DPP will finally break free from the quagmire of scandals and win the 2008 presidential election.
It just means that Chiang Kai-shek has to be sacrificed. Not only is this year-end a bitter time for him, but the whole coming year will likely be miserable for him, for he has been a very effective “electoral asset” for the green camp. Grandpa Chiang, please bear with it a little longer and see if the KMT has the ability to help “reclaim your name.”
SCP-ZH-999
A Year of SCP-ZH-999's Effect
| Effect Period | Party Affiliation | Presidential Candidate | Vice Presidential Candidate | Votes | Vote Percentage | Election Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | Independent | ███ | Chang Chao-hsiung | 4,664,932 | 36.84% | X |
| 2000 | Kuomintang | Lien Chan | Siew Wan-chang | 2,925,513 | 23.1% | X |
| 2000 | Democratic Progressive Party | Chen Shui-bian | Lu Hsiu-lien | 4,977,737 | 39.3% | O |
| (Some candidates omitted) |
Summary of Impact on Reality Stability:
The purpose of having ███ run in the 2000 presidential election and ensuring his defeat was to achieve Taiwan's democratization and further expand the effect of SCP-ZH-999 on ███. This allowed the state of regional reality stability to extend to the entire Republic of China, including Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu. This strategy proved effective, as in numerous Foundation simulations of the future, if ███ had not participated, the People's Republic of China would have been highly likely to conduct missile tests or directly attack Taiwan on election day. Most importantly, because of his involvement, a relatively balanced political system emerged, marked by the appearance of a two-party system.
RAISA Observer ███
| Effect Period | Party Affiliation | Presidential Candidate | Vice Presidential Candidate | Votes | Vote Percentage | Election Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004 | Kuomintang | Lien Chan | ███ | 6,442,452 | 49.89% | X |
| 2004 | Democratic Progressive Party | Chen Shui-bian | Lu Hsiu-lien | 6,471,970 | 50.11% | O |
Summary of Impact on Reality Stability:
This election represents another case of reality stabilization, implementing various democratic processes such as vote monitoring. The challenges raised by ███'s side, including calls for the invalidation of the election and requests for a recount, repeatedly demonstrated increasing reality stability. The Hume level in the entire region reached 89, approaching the stable value of 100. In fact, even without a recount, the outcome was evident, as it was agreed that ███ functions solely as a reality-stabilizing device. If he were to become president or vice president, he would lose his effectiveness. Unlike the Vatican and the Pope, whose reality-stabilizing device (also known as the Pope) uses religion as a medium to stabilize parts of reality, ███ operates differently. He must continually run for office, continually lose, and continually traverse every inch of the land to maintain reality stability. In essence, ███ serves as a medium, with elections acting as the trigger. The outcome of the elections manifests this stability.
RAISA Observer ███
SCP-ZH-999-A (center) with Lin Ruei-hsiung (left) and Chin Chin-sheng (right) at a People First Party press conference.
Special Containment Procedures:
In accordance with the "Float Operation" protocol, no containment is required for SCP-ZH-999 when it resides within SCP-ZH-999-A. The Records and Information Security Administration (RAISA) is tasked with continuous monitoring of SCP-ZH-999 and must establish the following departments to study its anomalous effects:
- Public Opinion Control Department
- Effect Impact Department
- Strategic Analysis Department
- Election Research Department
All aforementioned departments and related information are jointly managed by the Three Walls Council and the O5 Council.
Departments established for SCP-ZH-999 are required to fully comply with the "Float Operation" protocol and perform ongoing stability assessments to mitigate potential reality disturbance storms that may occur every four years. The current heads, key personnel, and their real-world cover identities are listed below:
| Department Name | Title | Responsible Person's Name | Expertise | Real World Cover Identity |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| RAISA | ZH-999 Observation Head | Lee Teng-hui (deceased) | Political observation analysis, strategy, economic research, thaumaturgy, reality-bending research | President of the Republic of China |
| Public Opinion Control Department | Former Department Head | Chin Chin-sheng (deceased) | Public opinion control, reality-bending research, journalism, psychology | Third Spokesperson of the People First Party |
| Public Opinion Control Department | Department Head | Chang Chao-hsiung | Public opinion control, biomedical science, journalism | Current Vice Chairman of the People First Party |
| Effect Impact Department | Department Head | Huang Shan-shan | Anomalous effect impact, thaumaturgy, law | Deputy Mayor of Taipei City |
| Strategic Analysis Department | Former Department Head | Li Ta-wei | Anomalous geopolitical observation, strategic analysis, anomalous effect impact | Spokesperson of the Presidential Office of the Republic of China |
| Strategic Analysis Department | Department Head | Chang Chun-hsiung | Anomalous geopolitical observation, strategic analysis, international law | Senior Advisor to the Presidential Office of the Republic of China |
| Election Research Department | Research Head | Tsai Chia-hung | Anomalous election research, election research, polling, public opinion research | Director of the Election Study Center |
| Election Research Department | Main Cadre | Yu Ching-hsin | Anomalous election research, anomalous geopolitical observation, psychology | Researcher at the Election Study Cent |
Description:
SCP-ZH-999 is a massless Type III anomalous energy aggregate that exists parasitically within a specific human host, designated SCP-ZH-999-A. It maintains energy stability by sharing consciousness with SCP-ZH-999-A. Since its discovery in 1980, the host of SCP-ZH-999 has been Taiwanese politician James Soong (hereinafter referred to as SCP-ZH-999-A). The anomalous effects of SCP-ZH-999 exhibit a reality-stabilizing function. Beginning in 1990, every four years, SCP-ZH-999 randomly fills Hume voids within a specific range. The scope and duration of this effect are contingent upon SCP-ZH-999-A's political influence at the time and the magnitude of reality negative values within the affected area.
The origin of SCP-ZH-999 and its potential connection to the Type III anomalous energy aggregate associated with the Pope in the Vatican remain unknown. Beyond insights from the ZH-999 Observation Head, Lee Teng-hui, the mechanism by which SCP-ZH-999 transfers between individuals is also unclear. Following the death of former President Lee Teng-hui, the Foundation has initiated a re-evaluation of the project, focusing on SCP-ZH-999-A. This effort is led by Huang Shan-shan, head of the Effect Impact Department.
Post-2020, the Foundation entered into an agreement with SCP-ZH-999-A to repurpose SCP-ZH-999 for suppressing specific anomalous phenomena or restoring localized reality, rather than stabilizing the broader Taiwan Strait reality. Additionally, the Foundation is actively assisting SCP-ZH-999-A in identifying a suitable successor host for SCP-ZH-999.
Addendum 1:
[Authorized Access]
Interview Transcript:
Head: I’m sorry, but we’ve finally decided to archive you.
SCP-ZH-999-A: Archive what about me? Who authorized this? Head: It’s the conclusion from above, Chairman.
SCP-ZH-999-A: You’re going to assign me a number?
Head: I’m afraid so.
SCP-ZH-999-A: You’re going to deprive me of my personal freedom. Head: Chairman, you are still free. SCP-ZH-999-A: Yes, but our freedoms have different meanings.
SCP-ZH-999-A Designated Portrait
SCP-ZH-999-A: I think I can request something.
Head: You can make a request. As someone who has long cooperated with the Float Operation, I believe the Foundation will try to accommodate you.
SCP-ZH-999-A: I hope you agree to this first. Head: Chairman… SCP-ZH-999-A: Agree to the photo first; I want to change it to this one.
Head: I think that’s fine, just the photo…
SCP-ZH-999-A: Also, since you often say that I am who I am, I want to do this from "my standpoint."
Head: What do you mean, Chairman?
SCP-ZH-999-A: I want to use my methods and my perspective to write the story of me and this thing. Simply put, you want to assign me a number, but I want to handle this project myself. Head: But you’re not a professional…
SCP-ZH-999-A: But politics is my profession, and currently, you still need me as a tool, don’t you? After all these years, I hope to be treated as I deserve.
Luo Da-you Cuts U.S. Passport to Protest U.S. Demand for Taiwan to Send Troops
Release Date: May 22, 2004, 23:51
Singer Luo Da-you took a bold stand during his new song concert at Tsinghua University this evening. In response to a U.S. House of Representatives resolution suggesting that President Bush request Taiwan to send troops to Iraq to assist in U.S. military operations, Luo Da-you became furious. On stage, he pulled out a pair of scissors and cut up his U.S. passport as a protest against the U.S. government.
Halfway through the concert, Luo Da-you began reading a newspaper aloud. He remarked, "He’s advocating for Taiwan to send marines to Iraq to boost the chances of the U.S. defending Taiwan. He’s telling us to go over there and help him fight Iraq, so he’ll be more inclined to protect us. Isn’t this a deal with conditions attached?"
Growing increasingly agitated as he spoke, Luo Da-you ultimately decided to cut up his U.S. passport. He then quipped, "This is no big deal! I’m a cowardly person, I’m terrified. What if I’m on a plane and suddenly some Saudi Arabian guy says, ‘Where’s your passport? Come here, we’ll sort it out after you get off the plane.’ What am I supposed to do then?"
The concert also featured a recitation of a new poem, steeped in philosophical insight. Luo Da-you recited, "How many people have given and found liberation, leaving behind the ability to promise a partner a heart free of resentment and misunderstanding."
The high point of the evening came, naturally, when Luo Da-you performed the familiar melodies loved by his audience. Through these dramatic gestures, he voiced his frustration with current events, using such actions to express his deep patriotism.
May 04, Minguo 95
President Sets Off on a "Perpetual Peace, Everlasting Friendship" Journey
This morning, President Chen Shui-bian set off for our friendly nations in Central and South America, embarking on a "Perpetual Peace, Everlasting Friendship" journey. Before boarding his flight, he delivered a speech outlining the purpose of his trip.
The President stated that Taiwan is an emerging democratic nation. Throughout our journey, we have experienced firsthand the many difficulties and challenges faced by young democracies. Yet, "democracy, freedom, human rights, and peace" remain our unwavering core values. These principles are the common language shared by Taiwan, Costa Rica, all our diplomatic allies, and the global democratic community; they are the ideals that all democratic nations pursue.
He emphasized the crucial importance of dialogue in our quest for democracy and peace. Only through genuine dialogue can we truly understand one another’s ideas, appreciate our differences, and find mutually acceptable, win-win solutions. It is through communication and peaceful, calm discussions that constructive interactions can take place, and only then can peace begin to break through.
Over the past six years, under my leadership, the government of the Republic of China (Taiwan) has extended over 40 olive branches of peace to Mainland China. Although the Beijing government has so far refused to engage in dialogue with us, we remain undeterred. We know that peace is not achieved overnight, and we are prepared to open our hearts and engage in sincere conversation—a process that demands immense courage and confidence. Thus, I must once again emphasize that our government approaches any dialogue with China under the principles of "sovereignty, democracy, peace, and equality," without any preconditions.
However, we must also recognize the reality of China’s one-party authoritarian dictatorship and its blatant disregard for the dignity and rights of Taiwan’s government and people. It is no secret that China’s human rights record is notorious. Its People’s Liberation Army has even resorted to using force against its own citizens, not to mention the deployment of over 800 missiles along its southeastern coast aimed at Taiwan, and the passage of the so-called "Anti-Secession Law" last year, which seeks to provide a legal basis for the use of force. Furthermore, China continues to suppress Taiwan on the international stage—obstructing Taiwan's participation in the World Health Organization and other international organizations and conferences, persistently poaching our diplomatic allies, and even rudely and forcefully preventing our high-ranking officials from visiting or transiting. These actions have made us realize that initiatives such as the "KMT-CCP Forum" or the "One Law, Two Communiqués" are nothing more than empty promises, designed to deceive the Taiwanese people and politically self-serving individuals. If China truly intended to engage in honest dialogue and exchange, it should sit down with Taiwan’s democratically elected government rather than cornering Taiwan, depriving it of a place in the international community, stripping 23 million Taiwanese of their basic human rights, or resorting to force simply because it refuses to accept a "final unification."
Dear compatriots, let us not be afraid. We must become even more resilient in the face of setbacks; the more we are oppressed, the more determined we should be to step out into the world. We have chosen the righteous path of democracy and freedom, and we are confident that we will persevere. One day, the blossoms of peace will undoubtedly bloom, and the dignity of universal values will shine forth.
Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to everyone who has worked hard to make this journey possible. Your efforts are deeply appreciated. I also wish our "Xing Yang Journey" every success. Thank you, and goodbye!
In addition, to complement this visit, the Presidential Office’s Public Affairs Office has produced a special online feature that allows the people to fully grasp and understand the details of the President’s diplomatic efforts abroad. The "Perpetual Peace, Everlasting Friendship" journey special online feature includes sections such as "The Purpose of the Visit," "The President’s Journey," "Profiles of Our Friendly Nations," "Visual Transmissions," "News Express," and "Related Albums." It will be updated regularly to provide the most prompt and comprehensive information. We invite everyone to visit the Presidential Office Global Information Network at http://www.president.gov.tw to browse.
Grandpa, You're Back! – The Original Version in Full
Published on: 2005/05/03 17:32
During Kuomintang Chairman Lien Chan’s Mainland visit, when he returned to his alma mater, Houzai Gate Elementary School in Xi'an, the enthusiastic recitations by local elementary students had Lien Chan’s party bursting into laughter—and left domestic viewers utterly stunned. Just how exaggerated were these children’s performances? TVBS brings you the original, unadulterated version of “Grandpa, You're Back!”
Xi'an Houzai Gate Elementary School Students:
“Grandpa, you’re back! You’ve finally returned! This place was once your alma mater; here is where you spent your childhood. Please listen to the heartfelt greetings from our innocent hearts—Hello, Grandpa!”
With their high-pitched voices and perfectly synchronized actions, this style of recitation—a performance long lost in Taiwan—left everyone on the spot wide-eyed.
Xi'an Houzai Gate Elementary School Students:
“Grandpa, oh Grandpa, our alma mater has changed its look. Has the sea of your heart stirred up waves?”
The children’s unique accents had listeners bursting into laughter, and one little boy became so excited he almost broke his voice.
Xi'an Houzai Gate Elementary School Students:
“Countless thoughts of longing, the carrier pigeons we so eagerly awaited, countless times we gazed across the sea for our kin returning home, and in so many dreams, we recall the good times of our reunion. Hand in hand, children from both sides of the strait, sing out your songs. You’re back! You’ve finally returned, Grandpa—your alma mater welcomes you! Your homeland cherishes you, cherishes you. Look, Grandpa! The saplings of our nation are growing strong.”
With hands raised and voices intensified, even though Lien Chan was nearly doubled over with laughter, the children continued their performance with remarkable composure.
Xi'an Houzai Gate Elementary School Students:
“Grandpa, you’re back! You’ve finally returned! Your alma mater warmly welcomes you! We wish you health, happiness, and joy!”
Their repeated shouts not only left “Grandpa Lien” struggling to contain his laughter, but also made these children overnight the most popular little stars on Taiwan’s screens.
One telecommunications company, quick on the uptake, even launched a caller ID tone titled “Grandpa, You're Back!” which is said to now be the most downloaded mobile ringtone.
With their exaggerated expressions and repeated calls, these shouts are so hilarious they’ll have you in stitches. This segment, the heartfelt call to “Grandpa,” has become the hottest ringtone of all. The ringtone goes: “Grandpa, you’re back! You’ve finally returned!”
But the authentic original audio isn’t enough—we even have a funny version. Xi'an Houzai Gate Elementary School Students:
“Grandpa, oh Grandpa, our alma mater has changed its look, and has the sea of your heart stirred up waves, as relatives across the sea yearn to return, and in countless dreams...”
The ringtone: “Grandpa, you’re back! You’ve finally returned!”
A myriad of styles and quirky versions—each ringtone download even costs an extra 15 NT dollars. Perhaps the business opportunity in these ringtones, calling out to “Grandpa Lien,” is the most lucrative gift Lien Chan’s visit to Mainland China has brought back to Taiwan.
Bian-Song Meeting Sparks Discontent Among Both Unification and Independence Supporters
Free Asia Radio
2005.02.25
Following yesterday’s Bian-Song meeting, thousands of DPP supporters began calling the party headquarters early this morning, furiously accusing Chen Shui-bian of abandoning the ideals of Taiwan independence and betraying the DPP. Party staff scrambled to explain that the current environment was not conducive to pursuing Taiwan independence.
Former President Lee Teng-hui, known for his strong pro-independence stance, also told the media that he was extremely dissatisfied with the Bian-Song meeting. Lee commented that the situation could only be described as “the ghost being caught by the ghost hunter.”
Lee Teng-hui stated that without ideals or faith, a political party loses its confidence and will be unable to accomplish great things. Consequently, he has called on the Taiwan Solidarity Union to further promote a localist agenda and strengthen its oversight of the DPP government, to prevent the party from drifting further away from its local roots.
Today, a legislator from the Taiwan Solidarity Union immediately declared in the Legislative Yuan that if Chen Shui-bian abandons the Taiwan independence ideal, they will launch a public referendum to recall him.
Legislator Lo Chih-ming of the Taiwan Solidarity Union remarked that Chen Shui-bian was completely powerless against Song Chu-yu’s inducements; his compromising, submissive, and betrayal of Taiwan’s indigenous consciousness were all on full display.
Similarly, a People First Party legislator expressed dissatisfaction with their party chairman’s alignment with pro-independence forces. Legislator Chiu Yi stated that the People First Party has long refused to recognize the legitimacy of President Chen Shui-bian. However, yesterday, Song Chu-yu even addressed Chen as “President Chen,” a clear departure from the People First Party’s stance.
Chiu Yi commented: “Mr. Song directly called Mr. Chen ‘President Chen’ yesterday. We remember that after the March 19 shooting incident and the subsequent demonstrations in front of the Presidential Office on March 20, we proclaimed that without the truth, there can be no president. Seeing what happened today, I feel a bit ‘lost in time.’ I wonder if perhaps I’m just too stupid to understand that politics is a game, or if I simply don’t belong in this circle.”
Another People First Party legislator, Sun Da-da, voluntarily appeared on television and radio programs to voice his disapproval of Song Chu-yu’s actions, emphasizing that what Song did yesterday can only represent himself—not the policy line of the People First Party.
Lien Chan’s Ballot Exposed! He Voted for Wang Jing-ping as Chairman
Published: 2005/07/16 16:05
In the fierce showdown between the candidates Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Jing-ping for the KMT chairmanship, who did the incumbent Chairman Lien Chan ultimately support? Media footage clearly shows Lien Chan shaking his ballot and circling the vote for Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping. Ma Ying-jeou expressed his respect for Lien Chan’s choice, while Wang Jing-ping thanked Chairman Lien for his warm support.
It was that unmistakable left-and-right swaying motion that clearly captured Lien Chan circling candidate No. 2—Wang Jing-ping—on the party chairman ballot.
When asked, Chairman Lien Chan replied, “Really?” The reporter said, “It was caught on camera!” Lien responded, “Don’t try to scare me.” The reporter pressed, “It’s clear you voted for Speaker Wang.” Lien exclaimed, “No, that’s impossible! Impossible! It can’t be! Don’t try to fool me!”
After the footage revealed that his ballot was cast for Wang Jing-ping, Lien feigned ignorance and refused to comment further. So what did the two candidates have to say about it?
Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping said, “If that’s true, I am very grateful to him.”
Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou remarked, “We will all respect Chairman Lien’s personal choice.”
It is generally believed that by casting his vote for Wang Jing-ping, Lien Chan was showing his support for him. In the early stages of the election, Wang emphasized loyalty to Lien, but Ma Ying-jeou had already declared his candidacy early on. Throughout the election, Ma consistently stressed reforming the "black gold" issues, which reportedly did not sit well with Lien—who believed he had already transformed the Kuomintang.
Of course, it’s also possible that Lien Chan simply has full confidence in Wang Jing-ping’s abilities and thinks that Ma Ying-jeou should directly challenge the 2008 presidential race, thus choosing to vote for Wang. Whatever the reason, Lien Chan has already left the country, leaving all these controversies behind.
Venting Anger at Chen Shui-bian: People Beat Up A-Bian in Games to Let Off Steam
TVBS Taipei Report
Release Date: December 22, 2008, 13:11
Former President Chen Shui-bian is embroiled in a money laundering scandal, and it’s got people fuming. Now, a boxing arcade game is letting players virtually pummel the ex-president, and it’s a hit—sales are up 70-80% compared to other games. Online, there are even more “Beat Up A-Bian” games, including one where he’s turned into “Bianzilla,” wreaking havoc in front of the Presidential Office.
Can’t stand the sight of former President Chen Shui-bian’s overseas money laundering mess? Well, now you can take it out on him in an online game where you get to beat him up right in front of the Presidential Office. One solid punch, and A-Bian’s face is bruised, with a big lump on his head. Even Frank Hsieh and Su Tseng-chang, who are along for the ride, end up dizzy and dazed.
And who’s that giant monster tearing through the Presidential Office? Take a closer look—it’s A-Bian as “Bianzilla,” battling a tiny Red Shirt Army, kicking and setting fires, reducing the Presidential Office, the National Dr. Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall, and Liberty Square to rubble in no time.
But the real knockout is the “Beat Up A-Bian” boxing arcade game. Players can pick which politician they want to clobber, and guess who’s the top choice?
Reporter: “Who did you just beat up?”
Player: “Chen Shui-bian.”
Reporter: “How did it feel?”
Player: “Awesome!”
With Chen Shui-bian’s money laundering scandal in the spotlight, the “Beat Up A-Bian” boxing game is all the rage. It’s raking in 70-80% more business than traditional boxing games. People are venting their frustrations, and the arcade owners are cashing in on the “A-Bian fortune.”
After former President Chen Shui-bian (A-Bian) was released twice without bail in his money laundering case, some netizens couldn’t take it anymore. They unleashed their creativity with a series of five "A-Bian Money Laundering Escape" games. These games let players go all out in a shooting survival showdown with A-Bian, help him count his cash, or even pop the stress-induced pimples on his face. The series of "beat up A-Bian" games exploded in popularity online, causing major traffic jams on the web—some sites were so overloaded, you couldn’t even log in!
The Games: Five Ways to Let Off Steam
A-Bian’s escape games are all the rage online, offering five different ways for netizens to vent their frustration and give A-Bian a virtual thrashing.
Game 1: "You Just Can’t Catch Me"
The first game is a shooting frenzy where players unleash their firepower and lob grenades at an invincible A-Bian in a battle for survival.
Game 2: Pimple-Popping Madness
If a hail of bullets isn’t enough, there’s an upgraded version tied to current events. In this comical pimple-popping game, A-Bian has a giant "greed" character plastered on his forehead. By day, he dodges interrogations; by night, he plots his defense—no wonder his face is a pimple farm! Players use their mouse to furiously pop away.
Game 3: Whack-a-Mole A-Bian
And it doesn’t stop there—A-Bian is like a whack-a-mole that just won’t quit. The more you hammer him, the more he pops up. Show no mercy!
Game 4: Online Frenzy
The games sparked a massive buzz online, with the game pages nearly impossible to access. Netizens even started sharing cheat codes and tips on how to beat the levels.
Game 5: "Money Counting" Challenge
Then there’s the "Money Counting" game, where players help manage the Chen family’s rumored "seven hundred million" stashed overseas. Want to be the Chen family’s accountant? Better be quick, or you’ll be left counting your own pennies!
Frustrated by the twists and turns of the Chen family’s money laundering saga? These games are the perfect way to let it all out! With their absurd premises and over-the-top humor, they’ve become a hit among netizens looking to blow off steam.
Who Wins the KMT Chairman Election Depends on Voter Turnout
July 16, 2005 Jornal San Wa Ou
Since its founding on November 24, 1894, the Kuomintang has, over 110 years, experienced the leadership of five party chiefs—from Premier Sun Yat-sen, President Chiang Kai-shek, to Chairmen Chiang Ching-kuo, Lee Teng-hui, and Lien Chan. Finally, today, for the first time, the party chairman is being elected through a democratic process. (Four years ago, Lien Chan was elected chairman by direct vote from party members; however, as he was the sole candidate in that uncontested election, it cannot be considered a fully democratic process.) This marks an excellent opportunity for the Kuomintang to reform and reinvent itself. It is hoped that through this democratic election, the party will transform into a true “democratic party”
(Article 1 of the KMT Constitution states: “The Kuomintang is a democratic party, committed to realizing the Three Principles of the People and the Five-Power Constitution, and is charged with building the Republic of China into a democratic republic characterized by freedom, democracy, equal prosperity, and unification”), uniting the majority of the Taiwanese people who desire peace, stability, and development, and who oppose Taiwan independence, separatism, and divisive factionalism. The goal is to implement the consensus reached at the Hu-Lian Conference, regain governing power, and steer Taiwan’s treasured island toward a glorious future.
For over two months, Vice Chairmen Wang Jing-ping and Ma Ying-jeou have engaged in a negative campaign for the party chairman post that has left little of the joy of a democratic election. Originally, both Wang and Ma enjoyed a relatively fresh moral image and had no record of dirty campaigning. Moreover, as the chairman election is an internal affair among party members, it could have fully followed incumbent Chairman Lien Chan’s “gentlemanly contest” approach to ensure a civilized election. However, despite their ability to present themselves as modest gentlemen, both candidates have tacitly permitted their aides to wage a messy organizational battle. Beyond publicly attacking each other through campaign materials, they have resorted to tactics such as sending anonymous letters and whisper campaigns, and are even suspected of using proxy voting and vote-buying—methods no less egregious than those long criticized in the DPP’s internal elections.
Due to the excessive use of unfair and unjust tactics in the KMT Chairman election, it is truly difficult to predict today’s vote count results. It might even mirror last year’s presidential election, when, despite rising support and favorable polls for the Lien-Song ticket, Chen Shui-bian repeatedly deployed unconventional tactics such as “referendum-based constitutional reform” and “referenda tied to the general election,” aggressively branding his opponents as “selling out Taiwan to China.” This gradually narrowed the polling gap between the Shui-Lian and Lien-Song tickets until the still-unresolved “shooting incident” caused the electoral landscape to flip overnight.
In fact, at the start of the KMT Chairman race, Ma Ying-jeou’s image as a “true blue” candidate—aligned with the party’s political philosophy and membership structure—gave him an early lead over Wang Jing-ping, the “blue-skinned, green-boned” candidate, who maintained a close personal relationship with Lee Teng-hui and had even publicly stated that “Taiwan independence is also an option for the KMT.” Some even predicted that Ma Ying-jeou would win by a margin of 40,000 votes, relegating Wang to “losing by a small margin.” However, Wang Jing-ping, adept at employing various subtle tactics and leveraging his extensive network to meticulously build organizational strength, gradually narrowed the gap between the two. Then, yesterday, a videotape of Song Chu-yu “supporting Wang”—arguably the KMT Chairman election’s equivalent of a “shooting incident”—caused the electoral landscape to flip overnight. Consequently, the betting odds in underground markets have increasingly turned against Ma Ying-jeou in the final days. Perhaps, this is the masterpiece of some underground betting operators seeking to maximize their profits.
At this point, the surface-level polling in the final days before the vote appears to be unfavorable to Ma Ying-jeou, making a turnaround effect highly likely. Yet, this is only a superficial phenomenon, as the complex psychology of voters is impossible to precisely gauge. It may well be that this apparent disadvantage will trigger a crisis of confidence among staunch deep-blue party members, prompting them to rush to the polls today. The higher the voter turnout, the more advantage it gives to the “charismatic Ma,” and the less it favors the “network Wang” who relies on organizational might. Therefore, the key to the outcome of the KMT Chairman election today lies in the level of voter turnout.
Who benefits from the 700,000 mainland tourists coming to Taiwan?
Written by Gu Shuren and Lu Zhaoyan, CommonWealth Magazine, Issue 421
Published: 2007-05-06
Views: 132
"How come they're all mainlanders?!" Anyone who's recently visited the National Palace Museum, Shilin Night Market, Sun Moon Lake, Alishan, or the airport has likely experienced the same thing—crowds packed everywhere with mainland tourists. Just six months ago, people complained that there were only a few mainland visitors, like a couple of kittens; now, the complaint is that there are too many, and Taiwan simply can't accommodate them.
Complaints aside, the number of mainland travelers has surged dramatically—170,000 have flooded in over just three months—reviving once-deserted airports, hotels on the brink of closure, and struggling airlines. Many tourism operators have even turned their fortunes around.
According to statistics from the Tourism Bureau, the number of mainland tourists entering Taiwan began to increase massively at the beginning of this year. From January to March, a total of 80,000 mainland tourists have arrived, nearly 20,000 more than in the latter half of last year, making mainland visitors the third largest source of tourists after Japan and Hong Kong/Macau. Including tourists with other purposes, the total number reaches 170,000. (See table)
"This wave of mainland tourists can only be described as fierce," said Zhan Huasheng, Marketing Manager of TransAsia Airways' Marketing Department.
Why have the numbers suddenly increased? Besides the mainlanders' curiosity about Taiwan and vigorous promotions by cross-strait businesses, the policy openings and incentives from both sides have spurred this surge. When Taiwan first opened its doors in July last year for mainland residents to visit directly, the numbers were lower than expected, prompting a wave of ridicule toward the government—it wasn’t an immediate success. "That’s because the tap was only turned on a little bit," explained Liu Xilin, head of the International Group at the Tourism Bureau.
Mainland spending to attract tourists
By the end of September and into October, Taiwan began allowing mainland residents to visit via the "Mini Three Links," with application procedures gradually simplified and relaxed. On the mainland, the number of provinces from which residents can travel to Taiwan increased from 13 coastal provinces to 25, and the number of travel agencies approved to arrange Taiwanese tourism rose from 33 to nearly 150. The introduction of direct cross-strait flights in mid-December further opened the door to convenience. "With more channels, naturally, more people will come," Liu Xilin said.
What many don’t know is that generous subsidies from various levels of mainland governments have also been a crucial factor in the explosive growth of mainland visitors. After the launch of direct cross-strait flights in December last year, the Wuhan municipal government, aiming to encourage local residents to visit Taiwan, generously subsidized Wuhan residents’ trips with RMB 20 million per year. At the same time, to preserve the hard-won Wuhan-Taiwan direct flight route, Wuhan provided a subsidy of RMB 40,000 per one-way flight in the first year, with an 80% subsidy in the second year.
Moreover, from national to local TV stations, mainland China airs programs introducing Taiwanese tourism nearly every day. "Taiwan doesn't even need to send people here to promote itself—mainland China is already doing a fine job for Taiwan," said Bao Donghui, Chairman of the Haipai Group, a travel agency in Wuhan.
The generous sponsorship from mainland governments, along with a comment from Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao that "we will climb to Taiwan if necessary," echoes the CCP leadership's sentiment of "cross-strait cooperation to jointly counter the economic crisis."
Whether Taiwan's appeal is genuine or driven by supportive policies, the massive influx of mainland tourists has indeed provided a significant boost to many of Taiwan’s tourism operators, alleviating their survival crises. At Kaohsiung Yuanshan Hotel on the shores of Chengqing Lake, the large entrance lights that used to be turned off at 10 p.m. are now left on later. "We have to wait until the mainland tour groups from Alishan or those visiting Liuhe Night Market at night return before we can turn off the lights," explained Chen Chunfeng, Director of Marketing at Kaohsiung Yuanshan Hotel.
Over the past year, Kaohsiung Yuanshan’s occupancy rate was only 20-30%, once facing a crisis that led to the potential closure of its social club and massive layoffs, even triggering employee protests. But in the past two or three months, with mainland tour groups flooding in, occupancy suddenly jumped to over 60%. Once nearly deserted, Kaohsiung Yuanshan now sees five or six tour buses waiting every morning to ferry mainland groups out for sightseeing.
Chen Chunfeng noted that this year, being the Year of the Solitary Crane, there are fewer wedding banquets, so the increased influx of mainland visitors is compensating for the drop in dining revenue. "Business is booming, the staff are busier, and everyone is happy because job security has improved," he said.
At Sande Hotel on Chengde Road in Taipei, which traditionally catered mainly to Japanese guests, the economy recently plummeted and the number of Japanese visitors dwindled, forcing a freeze in staffing. Manager Huang from the Accommodation Department stated that after the Lunar New Year, mainland tour groups surged, and the hotel was often fully booked, with an average monthly occupancy rate reaching 80%. The ratio of Japanese to Chinese guests shifted to 6:2. "Workloads have increased significantly; previously, one person in the guestroom department managed 10 rooms—now, they may have to handle 12 or 13," said Manager Huang.
Not far from Sande Hotel, the situation at Weige Bakery is even more dramatic. This bakery, in partnership with a travel agency, has recently seen dozens of tour buses arriving daily to bring mainland tourists to buy snacks. As soon as the buses arrive, the staff must guide the crowded mainland visitors and the few foreign tourists to sample and then select their treats. The checkout counter is piled high with NT$1,000 bills and RMB 100 notes, while behind the counter, the money-counting machine clatters away, busy tallying stacks of red and green banknotes. "Wow! Making so much money that even the money counter is earning from it!" exclaimed a passerby.
General Manager Li Zhenrong of Weige estimates that since July last year, business has grown by 20%, with March’s sales reaching record levels. "We're so busy we have to produce 24 hours a day, yet supply still cannot meet demand," he said. At times, due to excessive congestion, quarrels even break out among tourists, forcing staff to separate visitors from different provinces.
Bringing in NT$15 Billion in Tourism Revenue
The Tourism Bureau estimates that since July last year, mainland tourists have generated a total of NT$15 billion in tourism revenue for Taiwan—a modest sum that provides significant relief to Taiwan's sluggish consumer market.
The explosive growth in mainland visitors has also been a timely boon for airlines that, in previous years, struggled amid soaring high-speed rail and fuel prices. "Recently, every flight’s load factor has reached 90%," said Zhan Huasheng, Marketing Manager of TransAsia Airways' Marketing Department. Moreover, since mainland tourists have been allowed to visit Taiwan, not only have direct flight routes benefited, but nearly every flight route has seen a significant increase in business. Because direct flights are in short supply and expensive, many mainland tour groups opt for connecting flights or the “Mini Three Links.” As a result, load factors on TransAsia’s Taiwan-Australia and “Mini Three Links” routes have surged to 90%. By the end of June, every seat on all cross-strait flights had been fully booked.
How Long Will the Mainland Tourist Frenzy Last?
Every flight is fully booked, turning TransAsia—which suffered a NT$600 million loss last year—into a profitable airline. In the first two months of this year, it earned NT$20 million, nearly 60% of which came from cross-strait routes. Zhan Huasheng also noted that TransAsia has ample funds and can immediately expand its fleet as soon as a new route is available. "We’re about to take back the leased aircraft and fly them ourselves," he said.
In response to the ever-growing demand, the recently concluded Third Jiang-Chen Meeting resolved to expand both the number of flights and the destinations served. But how long can this surge, driven by these policies, last?
"Mainland tourist numbers are surging partly due to political factors; I estimate that this wave could last about three years, perhaps even up to seven years at best," General Manager Li Zhenrong of Weige believes.
Liu Xilin, head of the International Group at the Tourism Bureau, is more optimistic, estimating that the Cross-Strait Tourism Exchange Association calculates that 50 million mainlanders want to visit Taiwan. At an average of 3,000 visitors per day, this surge could persist for nearly fifty years. "The mainland base is enormous, so there is little need to worry about a cooling-off period," Liu Xilin said. "Our target this year is 700,000 visitors, accounting for 20% of all foreign tourists." In other words, mainland China is poised to become the second-largest source of foreign tourists, second only to Japan.
Regardless of how long the mainland tourist boom lasts, implementing a genuine market mechanism and enhancing service quality is the long-term solution for Taiwan’s tourism industry.
Severely Condemn Lien Chan for Collaborating with the Communists and Selling Out Taiwan
For a long time, China has been intent on annexing Taiwan, and in recent years, with its growing economy and increasing national power, it has continually expanded its military arsenal. Today, it has deployed more than 700 missiles aimed squarely at Taiwan, making its territorial ambitions blatantly evident. Lien Chan, however, has ignored these facts—even at the cost of sacrificing the lives and property of the Taiwanese people—in order to win the favor of its new colonial subjects. This is utterly infuriating!
In a "news bulletin" released after the Lien-Hu talks, despite being fully aware of his presidential status, Lien Chan went ahead and reached an agreement with Hu Jintao to uphold the "1992 Consensus" within the framework of "One China." Our people can hardly accept this. Even more egregiously, during his speech at Peking University, Lien Chan not only denounced Taiwan's democracy as "populism" but also declared that under a “system of uniting with the Communists to govern Taiwan,” an extra character for "independence" should be added—resulting in a so-called "unite with the Communists to enforce Taiwan independence." In other words, the Kuomintang would ally with the Chinese Communist Party to "restrain," "suppress," or even "exterminate" the majority of Taiwanese who yearn to build a nation of their own.
Taiwan has never truly belonged to China. Yet China’s "Anti-Secession Law" empowers Hu Jintao, who controls the military, to authorize the People’s Liberation Army to use force at any time to annex Taiwan. In the future, this will directly endanger the lives and property of 23 million Taiwanese. Moreover, China blatantly disregards the shared international desire—for example, from the United States and Japan—for a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan Strait issue, brazenly violating both the United Nations Charter and the UN International Covenant on Human Rights. And yet during the Hu-Lien talks, Lien Chan did not mention any of these issues, clearly betraying Taiwan’s interests and condemning himself in the eyes of all Taiwanese.
— Chairman of the Taiwan Independence and Nation-Building Alliance,
Huang Zhaotang
May 3, 2005
The Foreign Relations Yearbook 2004 Republic of China
Foreword by the Minister
The year 2004 (Year 93 of the Republic of China) holds significant meaning for the diplomacy of our country. Since May 20 of that year, after the new government launched its "pragmatic diplomacy," our foreign policy has undergone a major shift. Through practical efforts, we have achieved notable results in consolidating relations with our diplomatic allies, strengthening substantive ties with countries without diplomatic relations, and expanding international participation. One of the key approaches of "pragmatic diplomacy" is to halt the diplomatic rivalry across the Taiwan Strait. The new government's fundamental thinking on cross-strait policy is to seek reconciliation, "face reality, and set aside disputes," thereby extending reconciliation to the diplomatic arena. By refraining from poaching each other's diplomatic allies, we aim to return diplomacy to its normal and professional state, make the most effective use of resources, and ultimately achieve a "win-win-win" situation for our country, both sides of the strait, and the international community. In the 21st century, economic and trade issues have become the core of international relations, and there is a growing global emphasis on "reconciliation" over "confrontation" to address cross-border challenges.
The "pragmatic diplomacy" policy proposed by the new government is designed to objectively face the international situation, find the greatest common denominator for both sides of the strait and the international community based on public opinion, and create a viable path for diplomacy. Since the implementation of "pragmatic diplomacy," we have made significant progress in consolidating relations with our 23 diplomatic allies, enhancing substantive relations with major countries without diplomatic ties, expanding participation in international organizations and activities, and securing more benefits for our people in the diplomatic arena. Our diplomatic ties with our allies remain solid, and major countries such as the United States, Japan, and the European Union have expressed support for our pursuit of cross-strait reconciliation. In November 2004, President Lien Chan successfully attended the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), marking the highest-level participation in our history.
In December, we smoothly joined the "Government Procurement Agreement" (GPA) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). In January 2005, the United States officially removed us from the "Special 301 Watch List" under the Trade Act. The World Health Organization (WHO) accepted our participation in the "International Health Regulations" (IHR) in January and formally invited us to attend the World Health Assembly (WHA) as an observer in May, allowing us to participate in the activities of the United Nations specialized agency system. All these achievements demonstrate the fruitful outcomes of pragmatic diplomacy.
"Pragmatic diplomacy" is about realism. We must not only view the world from Taiwan's perspective but also view Taiwan from a global perspective, striking a balance between the two. Over the past year, practice has proven that "pragmatic diplomacy" is a concrete and effective approach. We also deeply understand that diplomatic work must align with domestic development and truly reflect public opinion. In the wake of the international challenges and Typhoon Mindulle, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is committed to fostering an international environment conducive to domestic economic growth and the well-being of our people. In coordination with other government departments, we will actively support the promotion of our country's economy and trade, pragmatically advancing diplomacy that "prioritizes Taiwan and benefits the people" to secure the greatest interests for the nation. Building on this solid foundation, the Ministry will continue to promote all aspects of foreign affairs with the principles of "dignity, autonomy, pragmatism, and flexibility," creating a more favorable external environment for the overall development of the Republic of China. We sincerely hope that our fellow citizens, driven by their patriotic spirit, will generously offer their support and suggestions, joining us in striving for broader international space for the Republic of China.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yang Chin-tien
October 2005 (Year 94 of the Republic of China)
Lien Chan's Visit to Mainland China Will Spark a New Climax in Cross-Strait Relations
Asia Weekly
Lien Chan is planning to visit Mainland China in May or June this year—a move that is expected to ignite a new climax in cross-strait relations. Beijing’s high-standard reception of Jiang Bingkun’s delegation clearly shows that Beijing is simply “rolling out the red carpet” for Lien Chan to ensure his smooth departure. In the past, Lien Chan’s sincere straightforwardness was derided as that of a “simpleton,” but now his integrity has won the hearts and trust of many.
Fifty-six years after the Kuomintang hurriedly fled the Mainland, the party has returned after more than half a century away. On March 29, Kuomintang Vice Chairman Jiang Bingkun led a delegation to Guangzhou to pay respects at the Huanghuagang Martyrs’ Shrine of the 72 Martyrs, and the following day, they visited Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum in Nanjing to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Sun Yat-sen’s passing. These modest political gestures carry profound significance, especially at a time when the Democratic Progressive Party is eager to erase the legacy of the “Father of the Nation” and push for de-Chinese-ization.
The Chinese Communist Party has thrown open its doors to welcome Jiang Bingkun, exuding great goodwill—not only by arranging high-caliber receptions from top figures such as CPPCC Chairman and Deputy Director of the Taiwan Affairs Working Group Jia Qinglin, and State Councilor and Secretary-General of the Taiwan Affairs Working Group Tang Jiaxuan, but also by granting unprecedented media flexibility in reporting. Many newspapers have led with stories about high-ranking officials receiving Jiang Bingkun. Rival political parties that once fought tooth and nail now seem to be laughing off past enmities, as if returning to the days of “KMT–Communist reconciliation.” However, the media’s attention is now fixed on when Kuomintang Chairman and President Lien Chan will finally make his landing visit following Jiang Bingkun’s “ice-breaking” warm-up tour.
Accompanying Jiang Bingkun on the visit, Kuomintang legislator Zhu Fengzhi openly admitted that this trip is indeed intended to pave the way for President Lien Chan’s own landing on the Mainland. She stated that if the talks go smoothly, Lien Chan might travel to the Mainland as early as June. According to reports, Lien Chan might even head there ahead of schedule, and besides paying respects at the mausoleum in Xi'an, he could potentially meet with Hu Jintao.
History has handed Lien Chan an excellent opportunity. Riding the momentum of his victory in the 2004 presidential election and bolstered by his standing as a Pan-Blue leader on Taiwan’s political stage, an even larger “cross-strait” stage awaits his performance. While Lien Chan’s efforts to restore Kuomintang rule pertain solely to Taiwan, if he can break the ice across the strait and open a new chapter, he will secure his place in history—and when he eventually steps down, he will leave behind a “beautiful silhouette.” Lien Chan’s aide and Kuomintang legislator Su Qi pointed out that while Mainland China can accept the Kuomintang and Taiwanese can as well—unlike the DPP, which is only embraced by Taiwanese—the Kuomintang is uniquely positioned to play the role of mediator between the two sides.
Joint Press Communiqué on the Meeting Between General Secretary Hu Jintao of the Communist Party of China and Chairman Lien Chan of the Chinese Kuomintang
April 29, 2005
At the invitation of General Secretary Hu Jintao of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), Chairman Lien Chan of the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) led a KMT delegation to visit the mainland from April 26 to May 3, 2005. This visit marked an important exchange and dialogue between the two parties. Under the shared understanding of "facing reality and creating the future," General Secretary Hu and Chairman Lien held talks in Beijing on April 29. They exchanged extensive and in-depth views on major issues concerning the improvement and development of cross-strait relations, as well as inter-party exchanges. This was the first meeting between the top leaders of the CPC and KMT in 60 years, carrying profound historical and contemporary significance.
On April 28, Jia Qinglin, member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, met with all members of the KMT delegation. The working bodies of both parties also held working talks. Based on their commitment to promoting the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations and their concern for the interests of the people, General Secretary Hu and Chairman Lien decided to jointly issue the "Common Vision for Cross-Strait Peaceful Development." The full text is as follows:
Common Vision for Cross-Strait Peaceful Development
Over the past 56 years, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait have developed different social systems and ways of life along divergent paths. More than a decade ago, with goodwill and on the basis of seeking common ground while reserving differences, both sides initiated consultations, dialogues, and civil exchanges, filling cross-strait relations with hopes for peace and opportunities for cooperation. However, in recent years, the foundation of mutual trust between the two sides has been repeatedly undermined, and the situation of cross-strait relations has continued to deteriorate. Currently, cross-strait relations stand at a critical juncture in their historical development. The two sides should not fall into a vicious cycle of confrontation but should enter a virtuous cycle of cooperation, jointly seeking opportunities for the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations, fostering mutual trust and assistance, and creating a new situation of peaceful win-win outcomes for the Chinese nation, thereby realizing a bright and splendid vision for the Chinese nation.
The two parties jointly recognize that:
- Adhering to the "1992 Consensus," opposing "Taiwan independence," seeking peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, promoting the development of cross-strait relations, and safeguarding the interests of compatriots on both sides are the common positions of the two parties.
- Promoting exchanges and interactions between compatriots on both sides and jointly carrying forward Chinese culture help to eliminate estrangement, enhance mutual trust, and accumulate consensus.
- Peace and development are the trends of the 21st century. The peaceful development of cross-strait relations is in the common interests of compatriots on both sides, as well as in the interests of the Asia-Pacific region and the world.
Based on the above understanding, the two parties will jointly promote the following tasks:
- Promote the Prompt Resumption of Cross-Strait Negotiations to Seek the Well-being of the People on Both Sides
Promote the prompt resumption of equal consultations between the two sides based on the "1992 Consensus," discuss issues of common concern and respective concerns, and advance the healthy and positive development of cross-strait relations. - Promote the Termination of Hostilities and the Conclusion of a Peace Agreement
Promote the formal end of the state of hostility between the two sides, conclude a peace agreement, establish a framework for the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations, including the establishment of a military mutual trust mechanism to avoid military conflicts across the strait. - Promote Comprehensive Economic Exchanges Between the Two Sides and Establish a Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Mechanism
Promote comprehensive economic cooperation between the two sides, establish close economic and trade cooperation relations, including the full, direct, and two-way "three links" (mail, transport, and trade), open direct sea and air routes, strengthen investment and trade exchanges and protections, conduct agricultural and fishery cooperation, resolve the issue of selling Taiwanese agricultural products in the mainland, improve the order of exchanges, jointly combat crime, and thereby establish a stable economic cooperation mechanism, and promote the priority discussion of the cross-strait common market issue after the resumption of cross-strait consultations. - Promote Consultations on Issues of Concern to the Taiwanese People Regarding Participation in International Activities
Promote discussions on issues of concern to the Taiwanese people regarding participation in international activities after the resumption of cross-strait consultations, including the priority discussion of participation in World Health Organization activities. Both sides will work together to create conditions and gradually seek a final solution. - Establish a Regular Communication Platform Between the Two Parties
Establish a regular communication platform between the two parties, including conducting mutual visits of party affairs personnel at different levels, holding seminars on improving cross-strait relations, conducting consultations on issues closely related to the vital interests of compatriots on both sides, inviting people from all walks of life to participate, and organizing discussions on measures to enhance cross-strait exchanges.
The two parties hope that the outcomes of this visit and talks will contribute to enhancing the well-being of compatriots on both sides, opening up new prospects for cross-strait relations, and creating a future for the Chinese nation.
Source: Website of the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, April 29, 2005
President Lien Chan's "Sleepwalking Diplomacy"
Author: Unified Dream 88
April 19, 2005, 11:25
Chairman Lien—this “diplomat in his sleep”—was busy during the campaign promising road repairs and tax cuts, yet treated cross-strait relations as nothing more than idle chatter over tea. Now that he’s in office, he seems to be dozing on the tightrope of diplomacy, while Taiwan struggles to catch its breath in the winter chill. As a devoted supporter of the New Party, I write this commentary in deep dismay: Lien Chan, your “laissez-faire” approach is shattering our dream of unification into nothing but bubbles!
Back in the campaign, Grandpa Lien was all about trivial promises for the people's livelihood—making Taipei’s buses run smoother, bringing cheaper rice prices to Tainan. His long-practiced image of being gentle, respectful, and modest had already won the hearts of many. But what about cross-strait relations? He treated that topic as if it were a plague to be avoided at all costs. Now that he’s taken office, the ties between the two sides are as severed as a broken bridge—no direct flights, no direct postal services. Taiwanese businessmen in Shanghai’s port look like helpless penguins, and their orders vanish like morning mist. Mainland China's patience has run out; Taiwan’s exporters are crying out in despair as the lifeblood of our economy is mercilessly choked. Lien Chan, your “sleepwalking diplomacy” has turned Taiwan into a diplomatic island, and our economic balance is tilting due to your inaction!
Yet he seems to have forgotten that the dragon across the strait has long since awakened. Beijing now scoffs at our incompetence, and Taiwan’s exporters are struggling amid the lack of the “three links,” with our economy resembling a rusted, broken bridge in dire need of repair. At least Chen Shui-bian managed to create some drama in cross-strait relations, and Lee Teng-hui once made Beijing’s head ache—whereas Lien Chan has only brought silence and biting cold winds to Taiwan. Dissatisfaction within the Pan-Blue camp is spreading like wildfire; even though Song Chu-yu, as vice president, frequently tries to steal the limelight, it only makes Lien Chan’s “laissez-faire” even more glaring. The Kuomintang’s current policy toward the Mainland is nothing but empty talk, and the Pan-Blue “dream of unification” trembles in the harsh winds of reality. Some have mocked: “Lien Chan’s neglect of cross-strait relations has left the Taiwan Strait as cold as frost—it’s practically political suicide, making the eras of Chen Shui-bian and Lee Teng-hui seem warm by comparison.” Chen brought on the theatrics, Lee caused headaches, but Lien Chan has delivered nothing but winter. Though these words are biting, they perfectly capture the awkward situation of Pan-Blue policy—what once was ambitious has lost all its weight on the issue of cross-strait relations, rendering it feeble and ultimately a footnote in the grand stage of history.
Wake up, Lien Chan!
Cross-strait relations are like a love letter written in invisible ink—Beijing can’t decipher it, and Taiwan shivers in the cold wind. Lien Chan, your “sleepwalking diplomacy” is dragging Taiwan into an icy era of diplomatic isolation. Wake up, and don’t let Taiwan’s economy freeze under your inaction; don’t let the Chinese dream of unification shatter in silence!
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Lee Teng-hui: Lien Chan’s Second Term Won’t Accelerate Cross-Strait Unification
March 26, 2008 Central News Agency
Former President Lee Teng-hui told Japan’s Sankei Shimbun in an exclusive interview that even if Lien Chan secures a second term, cross-strait relations will not rapidly move toward “unification” or a “common market.” He added that he hopes Lien, backed by a single-party majority, will use that mandate to further democratize Taiwan. Speaking of the Democratic Progressive Party, he said that its “Four Heavenly Kings” are all outstanding figures, but they bear the heavy burden of President Chen Shui-bian’s four years in office.
Sankei Shimbun ran the interview under the headline “Cross-Strait Unification Will Not Accelerate” on its front page, and also featured excerpts in its international edition, noting that Lee wishes to devote his lifelong wisdom to Lien’s administration and to strengthening Taiwan–Japan ties.
Lee said, “Many people view China as terrifying and fear that Taiwan will be swallowed up. They worry that once Lien Chan starts a second term, unification will immediately follow. But that’s a narrow-minded view. Taiwan cannot be easily taken over by the mainland, because the Chinese Communist Party does not truly support Lien Chan—one reason being his complicated relationship with the United States.”
He added, “I shouldn’t say too much about my stance, but I do believe he is heavily influenced by the U.S.”
Lee noted that during his roughly twelve years as chairman of the Kuomintang, he relied on a single-party majority to drive democratization—just as today’s Legislative Yuan would fail to democratize Taiwan without at least a three-quarters majority for the KMT.
He emphasized, “One should not assume that the KMT is entirely anti-democratic. But when a party holds absolute power, its leaders must accomplish something to avoid sliding into dictatorship and betraying the people’s expectations.”
On Lien Chan himself, Lee commented, “His chief virtue is integrity. Some allege corruption, but I don’t believe it. He carries himself with a noble, self-disciplined air, yet he also possesses a modern outlook. His father raised him strictly for the presidency. Still, he is—after all—a ‘Pure Chinese’; whether he can serve without bias, I cannot say. If he were to seek my counsel, I would give him my books to read.”
The books Lee recommended to Lien include The Narrow Road to the Deep North and a newly released Japanese volume, The Qualities of a Supreme Leader. The report suggests these remarks hint at a possible meeting between Lee and Lien in the near future.
Lee continued, “Taiwan’s future in twenty years depends on the efforts of the new president. What is accomplished during this term will determine whether Taiwan can truly take off. I am still pondering what should be done.”
Previously, Lien Chan had taken a hard line toward Japan over the Diaoyutai Islands dispute. But Lee believes that, if re-elected, Lien should adopt a more humble stance toward Japan—after all, Taiwan needs Japanese technology more than China does for its economic growth.
“How Taiwan and Japan cooperate to foster friendly relations,” Lee said, “is crucial. Though I have been expelled from the KMT, if Lien comes to me, I will offer my wisdom and experience. I’m too old to be an envoy to Japan, but I can still assist in an unofficial capacity.”
On Tibet, Lee remarked that the unrest there did not become a significant factor in Taiwan’s presidential election, largely because nobody wished to provoke Beijing. “As long as Taiwan’s security is not guaranteed, supporting Tibet offers us no real benefit,” he said.
Turning to the DPP, Lee observed that it is “very complex.” He praised Hsieh Chang-ting, Su Tseng-chang, and You Si-kun as “all outstanding,” but noted that they too carry the heavy burden of public disappointment in Chen Shui-bian’s administration.
“Many Taiwan-independence activists are all talk and no action,” Lee said. “When the government errs, they fail to criticize it, becoming complicit in the resulting corruption. It’s disheartening that these scandals are perpetrated by our own people.”
The report concludes by noting that Lee, still regarded as a “Taiwan-independence” figure, may face both domestic and international backlash for these remarks, but that he believes pragmatism and foresight should guide one’s conduct.
Taiwanese Must Not Continue to Be Deceived
Su Ming-jen
It has been reported that Sun Yun-suan passed away at Taipei Veterans General Hospital. After his remains were transferred to Huaiyuan Hall, a host of political figures came to pay their respects—“President” Lien Chan, “Vice President” Song Chu-yu, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping, DPP Chairman You Si-kun, former Premiers Hao Pei-tsun and Lee Huan, and former Examination Yuan President Chiu Chuang-huan, among others—all mourned his passing, while former President Lee Teng-hui sent flowers to express his condolences. In addition, Chen Yun-lin, Director of the Taiwan Affairs Office at the State Council of China, called Sun Yun-suan’s widow, Yu Hui-hsuan, to express his sympathy. Moreover, there were even numerous “red” (truly Chinese), “blue” (truly Chinese and pseudo-Chinese), and “green” (truly Taiwanese and fake Taiwanese) individuals—including an elderly man from Shandong (since Sun was from Shandong) and various passers-by—whose numbers are too vast to enumerate. Their aim, of course, was to showcase just how great and remarkable Sun Yun-suan was.
Who exactly was Sun Yun-suan? Aside from his title as “Presidential Advisor” in the Presidential Office, not many people might be familiar with him. And what exactly does “Presidential Advisor” mean? Those who can detail exactly how much taxpayers’ money he received in a year or whether he truly did his job are even scarcer. But that is not surprising; in Taiwan, strange occurrences abound. From the official name "Republic of China" (used domestically) to “Taiwan” (for international use; not long ago, Ma Ying-jeou launched an advertisement in the United States that omitted “Republic of China”—and this is not an isolated case), “Chunghwa Taipei” (used to participate in international organizations and often embarrassing in sporting events—though China stubbornly insists on calling it “Chinese Taipei”), and even phrases like “the Republic of China in Taiwan” and “Republic of China is Taiwan”—there is no shortage of names, and they are in complete disarray and incoherence. Those who espouse these names do so half-heartedly, barely knowing what they mean; and those who listen become increasingly confused, yet it seems no one truly cares. Consequently, our society is inundated with so-called advisors and national strategy consultants, and the average person has grown accustomed to such oddities, barely flinching at the sight of them.
So, just how great was Sun Yun-suan? How remarkable? Chinese media have a knack for painting vivid portraits—turning the bad into good, the ordinary into extraordinary. Even a shabby, small-time Chiang Kai-shek from Shanghai can be portrayed as a visionary leader. With all this flattery, it’s no wonder people have become desensitized to such deceptions.
Take Sun Yun-suan, for instance. In the past, because the Kuomintang could not find a “heavyweight” to counter Lee Teng-hui—unable both to suppress Lee and to swallow their pride—a certain ignorant woman from the Chiang family emerged to fabricate the baseless, nonsensical claim that “Chiang Ching-kuo’s successor was originally meant to be Sun Yun-suan, not Lee Teng-hui.” Upon hearing such nonsense, the old guard rejoiced.
Now that Sun Yun-suan is dead, the unlearned military head Hao Pei-tsun remarked, “Sun Yun-suan’s sudden stroke back then completely upended Mr. Chiang Ching-kuo’s personnel matters.” Hao, who was once Chiang Ching-kuo’s right-hand man and served as Premier during Lee Teng-hui’s era, is now being labeled as unlearned—truly unlearned. How is it that Lee Teng-hui was nominated as “Vice President” on February 15, 1984, while Sun Yun-suan suffered a cerebral hemorrhage on February 24, 1984? Are you unwilling to face reality? Unable to understand the numbers? Or have you already succumbed to senile dementia, muttering to yourself? And yet you join in jeering with an ignorant Chiang family daughter-in-law?
Let me quote another piece of news: “Sun Yun-suan, the ‘Presidential Advisor,’ passed away due to illness. A nurse who cared for him for many years recalled that when Sun first suffered his stroke, every time a friend came to see him, he couldn’t help but burst into tears; only later did he gradually come to terms with it.” What does this imply? A reasonable explanation should be that Sun Yun-suan knew that Chiang Ching-kuo was unwilling to treat him as a successor, and in his despair he suddenly felt agitated. That he couldn’t help but cry even after his stroke is a true page of history.
Yet in the old authoritarian era, being a successor might have been glamorous; now, in our “democratic society,” is it not shameful to continue to hype up such topics?
There’s also another report: “Wang Jing-ping said that when he first became a legislator, Sun Yun-suan mistakenly identified him as Wang You-tsung, the head of the Li-ba Group, and later, when he met Wang You-tsung, directly addressed him as ‘Legislator Wang.’ Wang You-tsung hurriedly denied that he was a legislator.” Even so, Wang Jing-ping later remarked that when he met Sun Yun-suan again, he felt that “Sun Yun-suan is a person who works diligently and sincerely solves problems.”
Wang Jing-ping loves to joke—can a “Premier” really be unfamiliar with his own legislators? If this happened today, Sun Yun-suan might very well be beaten half to death by the KMT. Just imagine: treating a legislator who can put people in their place as a tycoon, and then treating that tycoon as a legislator—does that even make sense? And to then call such a person “diligent and sincere in solving problems” is simply outrageous.
Sun Yun-suan served as Premier from June 1978 to May 1984. During this period, events such as the normalization of U.S.-China relations (late 1978), the Formosa Incident (1979), the Lin Yi-hsiung family massacre (1980), and the tragic Chen Wen-cheng incident (1981) occurred. Countless others were inexplicably arrested, and magazines were continuously confiscated. To this day, responsibility for these events has never been clarified; even major cases remain unsolved. How can Sun Yun-suan possibly escape accountability?
I’d like to ask: Was Sun Yun-suan merely a mediocre economic bureaucrat, or was he truly a capable successor to Chiang Ching-kuo? If he was the former, then he certainly isn’t great; if he was the latter, then in the eyes of the Taiwanese people he is an unforgivable criminal. Chinese, decide: Is Sun Yun-suan just mediocre, or is he a sinner?
But for us Taiwanese, there’s really no reason to expect an answer. Any evaluations from outsiders are none of our business, but if they dare to ride on our heads and run amok, then they are invaders—our enemies. Just as Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo and even Hu Jintao have done, if Sun Yun-suan truly were to become a successor, wouldn’t it be no different? In the future, whether it’s a bear (or cat) or a horse, if anyone pretends to be foolish and selfishly takes advantage of us, thinking they can act with impunity over our heads—just watch, we will oppose them to the very end.
Economic Review and Outlook for 2007
Taiwan Panorama Magazine
For most people in Taiwan, last year did not seem like a good year. Over the past eight years, real wages in Taiwan have only increased by a slight 0.5%, while the Consumer Price Index (CPI) rose from a baseline of 100 in 2001 to 107 by the end of last year. This has led to shrinking wallets for salaried workers, squeezed by both sluggish domestic demand and inflation, making life feel increasingly difficult.
However, according to data released by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) on November 22, 2007, the year was actually a prosperous one with steady growth. The economic growth rates for the second and third quarters were particularly impressive: 5.24% in the second quarter, and the third quarter was significantly revised upward from an initial estimate of 4.47% to 6.92%. Although the fourth quarter saw a slight cooling, the projected growth rate for that quarter was still 5.43%, bringing the full-year growth rate to approximately 5.46%, the highest in three years. (See Table 1)
The surge in economic growth was primarily driven by booming foreign trade. According to data released by the Bureau of Foreign Trade (BOFT) in early January, Taiwan’s total foreign trade volume in 2007 reached US$466.06 billion, a 9.2% increase from the previous year (2006). Exports amounted to US$246.72 billion, up 10.1%, while imports were US$219.34 billion, up 8.2%. The trade surplus soared to US$27.38 billion, a 28.4% increase, with all figures setting new historical records. (See Table 2)
The BOFT noted that in 2006, Taiwan was the world’s 16th largest trading nation. With a population of 23 million, the per capita trade volume was US$18,000, ranking 8th globally, surpassing even the United States and Japan. In 2007, the per capita trade volume was expected to exceed US$20,000, likely improving Taiwan’s global ranking further.
Taiwan’s economy is export-oriented, and an analysis of the 2007 export product structure shows that heavy industries remained dominant, accounting for US$204.26 billion or 82.8% of total exports. This includes electrical machinery, electronics, steel and steel products, optical equipment, and machinery, representing an 11.3% increase from the previous year.
Export Markets
In terms of export destinations, the biggest concern remains the heavy reliance on mainland China. In 2007, Taiwan’s exports to China and Hong Kong exceeded US$100 billion, accounting for 40.7% of total exports, a 12.6% increase from the previous year. This region alone generated a trade surplus of US$70.6 billion, raising concerns about overdependence. For China, Taiwan is the third-largest source of imports, following Japan and South Korea.
The other two major growth areas for Taiwan’s exports were Europe and the six ASEAN countries, accounting for 11.6% (up 9.7%) and 14.5% (up 16.7%) of exports, respectively. Notably, Taiwan achieved a trade surplus of US$12.09 billion with the six ASEAN countries.
However, exports to the United States and Japan, two major markets, declined. Exports to the U.S. totaled US$32.07 billion, or 13.0% of the total, while exports to Japan were US$15.94 billion, or 6.5%. Japan remains a long-term deficit market for Taiwan, with a trade deficit of US$30 billion in 2007, highlighting the persistent technological gap between Taiwanese and Japanese industries. (See Table 3)
Structural Analysis
Analyzing the export structure, Taiwan’s trade surplus with China, Hong Kong, and the six ASEAN countries totaled US$82.69 billion. Given the dense concentration of Taiwanese businesses in these regions, much of this export activity involves intra-company trade, where profits and costs offset each other, meaning the actual net earnings are not as substantial as they appear. Moreover, with many manufacturers relocating to China and Southeast Asia (Taiwan’s manufacturing overseas production ratio has reached 47%), only a small workforce remains in Taiwan to handle order-taking and global logistics. Nevertheless, these exports are still counted as part of Taiwan’s GNP through "triangular trade."
In other words, while Taiwanese businesses adept at globalization reap significant profits, the broader Taiwanese workforce does not share in these gains. This explains the disconnect between Taiwan’s impressive economic figures and the public’s sense of economic hardship.
Economic Outlook for the Second Half of 2006
Chung-Hua Institute of Economic Research
High Oil Prices Impact the Global Economy
Since 2004, international crude oil prices have been on a steady climb—from an average of US$28.1 per barrel in 2003 to US$36.1, and then to US$50.6 in 2005. In the first half of 2006, the average price even surpassed US$60. West Texas Intermediate crude once soared to US$77.23 on July 14, sparking widespread pessimism about the future of the global economy.
At the start of 2006, most forecasts anticipated that global economic growth would be lower than in 2005, with high oil prices seemingly detrimental to worldwide economic development. However, due to the prolonged period of rising prices, the adverse effects appear to have moderated. In fact, as of now, economic performance in the major regions of the world during the first half of 2006 has led to upward revisions in growth forecasts. For Taiwan, the rough estimate for economic growth in the first half of 2006 is about 4.74%—a respectable figure, but 0.64 percentage points lower than the 5.34% achieved in the latter half of 2005, ranking it at the bottom among the Four Asian Tigers. In short, Taiwan’s economic growth performance has been rather mediocre.
Among the contributing factors, domestic demand added only 0.19 percentage points to growth—far less than the 4.55 percentage points contributed by net exports. Public expenditure and private investment both declined compared to the same period last year, turning negative, with only private consumption maintaining positive growth to keep domestic demand from going into negative territory. However, the annual growth rate of private consumption was just 1.7%, the lowest since the SARS outbreak in 2003. This imbalanced growth pattern of “cool domestic demand and warm external demand,” set against a backdrop of ongoing domestic political strife and continuously rising international oil prices, remains to be closely monitored for any signs of a turnaround.
Export Orders Highlight a Booming International Market
Business cycle indicators initially showed a stable economy in January and February, with a “green light” score of 28. However, in March the score plummeted to 23, approaching the lower bound of the green zone, and after hovering between 23 and 24 in April and May, it fell further to 21 in June—entering the yellow-blue zone that signals a potential downturn. Although both leading and coincident indicators steadily rose in March, April, and May, they dipped in June. Analysis of the year-on-year industrial production index in June, along with export order trends, suggests that the current “cool domestic, warm external” growth trend is likely to persist. Industrial production’s year-on-year growth was 8.60% in May but fell to 5.64% in June, with the second quarter averaging 6.85%. Export orders for electronics and for information and communication-related products recorded remarkable monthly growth rates in June of 22.15% and 18.65%, respectively, underscoring strong international demand for these goods. According to export order statistics, the order value in June remained around US$24.915 billion, with a growth rate of 20.6%. Moreover, customs exports in July surpassed the US$20 billion mark, setting a new monthly record and highlighting the robust activity in international markets.
Signs of Improvement in the Employment Market
On the labor front, although real wages have not shown significant growth, the absolute unemployment rate has improved. Since dropping below 4% in November 2005, the unemployment rate has not deteriorated further. Forecasts suggest that the average unemployment rate in 2006 will be around 3.91%, down 0.22 percentage points from 4.13% in 2005, indicating signs of recovery in domestic employment. However, a closer look at wage levels in key industries reveals that real wages remain stagnant: between January and May 2006, the average nominal wage growth in the manufacturing and service sectors was 1.3%. After subtracting the average CPI increase of 1.37% during the same period, this effectively represents a real wage decline of 0.07%. The main reason is that fierce export competition has squeezed manufacturers’ profit margins, leaving them little capacity to substantially raise employee wages.
Stable Prices and a Slight Decline in Inflation
Turning to price and financial variables, the forecast for the annual CPI growth rate (inflation) in 2006 is approximately 2.19%, a slight decline from 2.31% in 2005. This is mainly due to relatively stable domestic prices in the first half of 2006, which grew at only 1.43% annually. Although the annual rate in the second half reached 2.92%, the overall annual average remains at 2.19%. Meanwhile, the annual average growth rate of M2 money supply in 2006 is expected to be around 6.42%, slightly higher than 6.13% in 2005. This increase is attributable to stronger domestic economic performance in the first half of 2006 and a stock market index that once reached 7,474 points, boosting money demand. In the second half, as economic growth slows, the growth rate of M2 is expected to remain relatively stable. As for the exchange rate, although the trend for the New Taiwan Dollar against the US dollar in 2006 shows a gradual quarterly appreciation, the fluctuation remains below 3%, with an annual average of about 32.17 NT dollars per US dollar—essentially unchanged from 32.18 in 2005.
A More Moderated Economic Performance in the Second Half
In recent years, the government has implemented several pro-growth policies to boost the domestic economy. These include the launch of major transportation projects such as the newly opened Xueshan Tunnel and the anticipated operation of the Taiwan High Speed Rail in 2006; the passage of an NT$80 billion water conservation budget; the convening of the Economic Cooperation Council; expanded measures to allow Mainland Chinese tourists to visit Taiwan; and the ongoing discussions and negotiations regarding the “Three Links.” However, amid turbulent political developments that have diluted the effectiveness of the Economic Cooperation Council, and with international crude oil and raw material prices remaining high, economic growth in the second half of 2006 is generally expected to moderate.
According to forecasts by the Chung-Hua Institute of Economic Research, Taiwan’s economic performance in the second half of 2006 is expected to be even more subdued than in the first half. Growth rates in the third and fourth quarters are anticipated to be below 4%, ranging from 3.86% to 3.09%, indicating a trend of high initial growth that gradually declines quarter by quarter. Private consumption is expected to grow by around 2.38%, reflecting the combined effects of a lower overall economic growth rate, rising prices, and a higher base effect from the same period last year—thus, private consumption remains cautious. As for domestic investment, although domestic and international economic conditions are not expected to improve in the second half, domestic investment is likely to rebound, turning positive at around 4.84%—a marked improvement over the negative growth in the first half, albeit still below 5%. In the foreign trade sector, the average growth rates for both exports and imports of goods and services are projected to be comparable in the second half, at 6.35% and 6.34% respectively. Exports are anticipated to perform particularly well in the third quarter, while imports are expected to show improvement in the fourth quarter, mainly due to differences in the base period.
Robust Foreign Trade as the Pillar of Economic Growth
Overall, domestic demand in 2006 has been sluggish, contributing very little to the overall economic growth rate. In contrast, robust growth in the foreign trade sector has been the main driver of economic expansion in 2006. There is a slight indication that domestic demand may rebound in the second half; if the domestic political and economic environment improves and private confidence gradually recovers, this could have a positive effect on private consumption and investment, laying the groundwork for Taiwan’s economy next year. Provided that there are no significant natural disasters or drastic shifts in international oil prices, prices and interest rates are expected to rise moderately, which could in turn be more favorable for the domestic economy.
Taiwan's Economic Performance in 2008: A Review
Voice of America Special Correspondent
Looking back at Taiwan's economic performance in 2008, Voice of America's special correspondent consulted scholars and experts on aspects such as economic growth, unemployment, and the economic outlook.
Economic Growth Rate Hits 21-Year High
According to Taiwan's Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS), Taiwan's economic growth rate for the year is expected to reach 9.98%, marking a 21-year high.
Taiwanese President Lien Chan stated that this year has been a crucial one for Taiwan's economic recovery. The economic growth rate in the fourth quarter of last year already reached 9%, and the average for the first nine months of this year was 12%. Therefore, the full-year economic growth rate may still be adjusted upward.
Professor Yin Nai-ping from the Department of Finance at National Chengchi University believes that despite the significant increase in Taiwan's economic growth rate this year, the general public seems not to feel the benefits.
He said: "This year's economic performance is still mainly driven by imports and exports, so the primary growth comes from the export surplus, particularly with mainland China. The substantial growth we saw in the first and second quarters mostly came from orders from China. However, Taiwan's private consumption and investment did not see significant growth during this period. It is mainly the export-oriented companies that have profited, showing considerable earnings."
Unemployment Rate Falls Below 5%
Data from Taiwan's DGBAS shows that the unemployment rate in Taiwan reached 5.76% in February this year but dropped to 4.92% by October. This is the first time in 23 months that Taiwan's unemployment rate has fallen below the 5% mark.
The DGBAS attributes the decline in unemployment to factors such as the improving economy, increased private investment, and the government's continued efforts to promote employment programs.
Dr. Wu Hui-lin, a researcher at the Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research, believes that the government's employment promotion programs mostly have short-term effects, and their long-term effectiveness remains to be seen.
He said: "Originally, one job is now being shared by several people, which reduces the unemployment rate. Additionally, some who cannot find jobs may withdraw from the labor market, reducing the labor force. In the short term, the unemployment rate appears to be decreasing."
Professor Yin Nai-ping from National Chengchi University believes that the decline in Taiwan's unemployment rate indicates an improvement in the job market, but it does not necessarily mean complete stability.
He said: "From the perspective of Taiwan's overall economy, by the fourth quarter, especially in November, private consumption has clearly recovered, and the service industry has started hiring new employees. However, this improvement only became apparent at the end of the year, and the general market sentiment is not as optimistic as expected. Therefore, we need to wait until the end of December or the first quarter of next year to confirm whether the unemployment rate has truly decreased."
Economic Outlook for Next Year
Looking ahead to next year's economy, Taiwan's DGBAS estimates that the economic growth rate is expected to reach 4.51%. Dr. Wu Hui-lin from the Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research believes that although the economy will continue to grow, income inequality has become a serious social issue in Taiwan.
He said: "Even if people have jobs, their remuneration has not increased compared to ten years ago; in fact, it has regressed. This is income distribution, which is currently polarizing. There are fewer people at the high end and more at the low end, with the middle class almost disappearing. Many people do not feel the fruits of the current economic growth."
Professor Yin Nai-ping also pointed out that due to the return of Taiwanese business capital to Taiwan, the northern part of Taiwan has already seen signs of a housing market bubble.
He said: "Next year, if mainland China's economy slows down and orders are not as abundant as this year, Taiwan's economic growth rate will be around 4 to 5%. If the funds returning to Taiwan continue, the real estate bubble will persist for some time."
Taiwan's Ministry of Economic Affairs estimates that Taiwan's total trade value, export value, and import value for the year will exceed US$520 billion, US$270 billion, and US$245 billion, respectively, all expected to set new historical records.
Obama Delighted to See Lien Chan, Citing a Family Connection
CRNTT, Singapore, November 16, 2009 (Reporter Li Zhongwei)
After the conclusion of the informal APEC Leaders’ Meeting, KMT Honorary Chairman Lien Chan held a press conference yesterday to share his impressions of—and interactions with—U.S. President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
Lien recounted that at the sessions on the 14th, Clinton—representing President Obama—was seated beside him. “Before the meeting,” he said, “we had ample time to exchange views. I was very honored to meet Secretary Clinton, and I admire her outstanding performance in her various roles over the years.” He added that he first met Bill Clinton when Clinton was Governor of Arkansas; Clinton visited Taiwan several times, and Lien hosted him on three occasions.
“Over the years,” Lien continued, “I watched his hair turn from black to white. The last time we met was when Governor Clinton came to Taiwan to promote his new book. He personally invited me to his hotel and presented me with a signed copy.”
As for President Obama, Lien said they enjoyed a longer period of conversation. “‘I introduced myself as the representative of Chinese Taipei—my name is Lien Chan,’” he recalled. “Obama immediately said, ‘I know you. Do you remember Mr. Charles Payne?’ Of course I know him,” Lien replied. “It’s a remarkable coincidence: Payne is President Obama’s grandmother’s brother. He helped raise Obama, and later they were classmates at the University of Chicago, living in the same dormitory for nearly six years—they’ve remained close friends ever since.”
Lien explained that he visited the U.S. three years ago to congratulate the new University of Chicago president. “At several banquets,” he said, “I met with Mr. Payne, and we’ve exchanged letters.”
Lien went on to say that before Obama’s trip to Singapore, Payne had told the President, “I have a classmate at APEC—his name is Lien Chan.” Obama joked back, “I didn’t know you had such influence in Taiwan, that you’d have a friend like this.”
During their conversation, Lien mentioned that he had served on the University of Chicago’s Board of Trustees for nearly 30 years. Obama then noted that he had been a law professor at the University of Chicago, to which Lien’s wife, Lien Fang-yu, added, “We all know you were a very distinguished faculty member at the Law School.”
Lien told Obama that he hadn’t returned to Chicago in the past three years but still cared deeply about the university. “Obama was very pleased,” Lien said, “and told me he would relay my greeting to his ‘Grand Uncle.’”
The next morning, Lien ran into Obama again and asked if he had slept well. “I slept well,” Obama replied, “but not for very long.” When asked why they had chatted so extensively, Lien observed, “The world really is small—we both come from the same university and share mutual acquaintances.”
Lin Yi-hsiung Meets with Lien Chan; Consensus Reached on Halving Legislative Seats
Former DPP Chairman Lin Yi-hsiung today entered the KMT Central Party Headquarters for the first time to discuss halving the number of legislators and achieving a nuclear-free homeland with KMT Chairman Lien Chan. In person, Lien pledged that before next February he will work to reduce the Legislative Yuan’s seats to 113. Separately, regarding the referendum on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant, Lin—who had undertaken a thousand-mile march to promote the vote—said today that if the Legislative Yuan can pass a resolution to halt construction of the plant, then a referendum may not be necessary.
This marked the first time in his life that former DPP Chairman Lin Yi-hsiung set foot in the KMT’s Central Party Headquarters, and his push to halve the legislature’s membership has won full support from KMT Chairman Lien Chan. However, regarding the nuclear-four referendum, Lin unexpectedly stated today that if the Legislative Yuan passes a resolution to suspend the plant’s construction, it would not necessarily require a referendum to achieve a nuclear-free goal. Afterwards, Lin also called on Legislative Speaker Wang Jing-ping and all party caucuses. Wang responded that, since the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant’s construction is funded by statutory budget, the only way to halt it is through a referendum. The KMT caucus even said that if the DPP proposes a referendum on the plant, the KMT would not only refrain from blocking it but would actively support it. Once regarded as the main opposition to the nuclear-four referendum, the KMT’s dramatic support—and Lin Yi-hsiung’s current lack of insistence on a referendum—amount to a major reversal on both sides, the true reasons for which remain unconfirmed.
Song Chu-yu Will Bring an Unfortunate Vice Presidential System
Taiwan Daily & Cultural Taiwan
When Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu joined forces in 2003 to form the “Lien–Song ticket,” was there really a “secret pact”? Frankly, it no longer matters—whether there was one or not, it’s all ancient history by now. Song Chu-yu publicly revealed that before the election, Lien Chan had agreed to the arrangement of “Vice President cum Premier,” nothing more than an old wives’ tale meant to add a touch of luster to his own record—to flaunt his concubines, so to speak.
Amid scandalous revelations from party committee members, Song Chu-yu later disclosed that on the evening of March 20, shortly after the vote count began, some senior media figures congratulated him on the prospect of victory over the phone. Soon after, he arranged a meeting in his office with People First Party Vice Chairman Chang Chao-hsiung, explaining that he, as Vice President, was ill-suited to concurrently serve as Premier, and suggesting that Chang should take on that role—in which Song even offered to campaign on Chang’s behalf (as reported on the front page of Liberty Times).
In his own words, this not only “indirectly proved” the existence of a “secret pact” but, more importantly, meant that while the Lien–Song ticket had won, despite Lien Chan being president and Song Chu-yu his vice president, real power resided with Song, not Lien.
An Unstable Center of Power
Taiwan’s center of power remains unstable precisely because of the constitutional framework of the Republic of China. In a parliamentary system, the center of power lies in the legislature, with cabinet ministers drawn from the majority party’s members. The executive and legislative branches are integrated, avoiding the confrontation between them, and the legislature collectively holds state power—an arrangement that naturally fosters political stability. In a presidential system, where the executive and legislature are separate, the legislature enacts policies while the president implements them, with the president retaining the right to veto if he deems the policies obstructive—thus, the center of power rests with the president, another stable arrangement.
However, in the ROC system, the executive and legislative branches are separate, and cabinet members (government officials) are not necessarily legislators, so the state’s power center is neither in the legislature nor in the president. Originally, the constitutional review power embodied a veto spirit, but during constitutional amendments, the threshold for the legislature to counter a review was lowered. The “review” lost its veto function, and the president could no longer veto the legislature’s resolutions. Consequently, the center of power did not lie with the president. With power divided between the legislature and the executive, only an administrative chief who enjoys the support of the majority of legislators can dominate the political scene. Thus, whoever controls the majority of legislators essentially holds the state’s power center. The Chiang family, in symbiosis with a long-standing legislature and control of the intelligence agencies, has always held this center. As such, whether as president, Premier, or even vice president, real power remains with the one who controls the legislative majority.
When Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu teamed up for the election, the result was that Song Chu-yu became the central figure while Lien Chan was relegated to a supporting role. Critics from the Pan-Green camp mocked Lien Chan as a bumbling “Ah-Dou”—a comment that only underscored how little the Pan-Green camp understood about Lien Chan. Throughout decades in politics, Lien Chan has always pursued a high-ranking title rather than real power. His team elevated his status, but they were the ones seizing the true authority; Lien Chan himself was “high in rank” yet not necessarily “weighty in power.”
During his tenure as Premier, Lien Chan staunchly supported a particular candidate in a fierce contest for the presidency of a public university. Yet, he ended up endorsing another candidate—one favored by Hsu Li-te—because that was the prevailing political maneuver. When outsiders needed a favor from Lien Chan, they approached him directly, while insiders turned to his team.
Lien Chan’s ambition was for a prestigious title, while Song Chu-yu embodied real authority. Even if a “vice presidential system” were to emerge, Lien Chan would adapt well; in fact, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu made a good match, preventing a power struggle between them. However, the infighting between Lien Chan’s team and Song Chu-yu’s team over political territory was inevitable.
Politicians Lean on the Big and Strong
Some might argue that the number of KMT legislators is comparable to that of the People First Party, and if the Pan-Blue camp were to win the presidency, Song Chu-yu could not possibly monopolize power. Such an argument, however, shows a profound misunderstanding of Taiwanese politicians. Remember the anti-Lee Teng-hui politicians—many of them once clung to former President Lee’s coattails and suckled on his support. Taiwanese politicians are known for “leaning on the big guy” – as long as you have the momentum, a whole swarm of politicians will follow you.
During the early days of Hau Pei-tsun’s tenure as Premier, his momentum even surpassed that of former President Lee Teng-hui, so many Taiwanese politicians flocked to him. But Hau, disdainful of these opportunists, forced them to change direction and join Lee Teng-hui’s camp. Had Hau been willing to accommodate these politicians, his influence would have surged, reshaping the legislative landscape beyond Lee Teng-hui’s dominance and inevitably rewriting history.
Song Chu-yu, for his part, actively cultivated momentum. He asserted that if the Pan-Blue camp won the presidency, not only would most Pan-Blue legislators align with him, but officials at all levels would follow suit—thus ushering in a “vice presidential system.” However, such a system would plunge Taiwan into a miserable world. Although legislators who supported Song might outnumber those backing Lien Chan, they would never hold an absolute majority in the legislature. In the legislative chamber, the Pan-Green, pro-Song, and pro-Lien factions would form shifting alliances and coalitions, leading to political battles far more bitter than today—a truly unfortunate fate for Taiwan.
Otherwise, how could one suggest that Vice Chairman Chang Chao-hsiung should assume the role? It was a move Song Chu-yu resorted to because he could not concurrently hold both positions himself; he had no choice but to find a “stand-in” for his own role. After all, whoever controls the Premier’s office is the true power-broker. After the 2000 election, when Chen Shui-bian won, the Pan-Blue camp invoked the concept of a “legislative government” by letting the legislative majority decide the Premier, thereby seizing executive power. Under the constitution, the Premier is the “highest administrative chief,” and whoever commands the cabinet holds the ultimate authority. So why would Lien Chan, as president, allow the vice president to determine the Premier? Why would the cabinet be formed by the People First Party’s vice chairman? In that scenario, to whom would the Premier be accountable? Whose cabinet would it truly be?
Why, then, did Song Chu-yu dare to expose his “ugly” vice presidential system, risking the wrath of constitutional democracy? We can only say that it is an undeniable fact that Song Chu-yu exchanged his role as the “deputy” for Lien Chan’s “figurehead” position. The unfortunate reality of a “second party alternation” had come true: Song Chu-yu battled Lien Chan in the presidential arena, and the People First Party clashed with the Kuomintang in the legislature—if not the other way around.
May heaven protect Taiwan.
A House Divided Against Itself
On February 14 of last year, the two party leaders of the KMT-PFP, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu, announced an alliance, pledging to jointly contest the 2004 presidential election. Almost immediately, rumors of a “Lien–Song secret pact” surfaced. Allegedly, before finalizing the “Lien–Song ticket,” the two leaders reached three unwritten agreements in secret: first, Lien Chan would serve only one term and, in 2008, support Song Chu-yu’s bid for the presidency; second, if they won, Song Chu-yu would assume the dual roles of Vice President and Premier; third, should the two parties merge in the future, Song Chu-yu would succeed as party chairman.
On May 18, 2004, the Lien–Song ticket suddenly announced the merger of the KMT and the PFP. The very next day, the Kuomintang’s Central Standing Committee unanimously passed a motion for the two parties to “move from cooperation to a full merger,” planning to ratify it at the “All-Party Congress” scheduled for July. That year, the integration initiated by Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu was driven by multiple forces: Lien Chan’s desperate sense of duty to “save the party” and the urgency of the times; Song Chu-yu’s reluctant yet inevitable support after weighing the pros and cons; the all-out pressure from the Pan-Green camp’s “cutthroat” tactics aimed at securing a “comprehensive, long-term rule”; and the widespread expectation among anti-Chen forces in the public. The combined pressure made the merger seem inevitable.
However, setting a direction did not guarantee smooth sailing. Internal divisions within the Pan-Blue camp soon boiled over—especially with disparaging comments and discontent within the People First Party, as well as fierce opposition from the KMT’s native faction, who viewed the inclusion of the PFP as a threat to their own political interests. Caught amid electoral and partisan entanglements, the effort to merge the two parties ultimately collapsed. Over the years, although Pan-Blue integration held promise, the road was fraught with obstacles, and repeated attempts at KMT-PFP cooperation ended in failure.
After the Lien–Song ticket won the presidency and under mounting pressure to merge, Song Chu-yu revealed on September 1 that, initially, KMT elder Li Huan had lobbied him and Lien Chan to cooperate in the election. Another “star-level political figure” (widely believed to be Ma Ying-jeou) also visited Li Huan, and this person allegedly stated that the idea of the Vice President doubling as Premier was controversial, suggesting instead that Song Chu-yu should assume the role of “chief coordinator” responsible for liaising between the party, government, and legislature. Unexpectedly, this remark sparked an uproar within the KMT, and the individual in question refused to smooth things over on Song Chu-yu’s behalf, leaving him deeply disappointed with the party and unwilling to return to its fold.
Feeling like nothing more than a figurehead Vice President, Song Chu-yu felt deceived by both the KMT and Lien Chan. Whether it was due to the dissatisfaction of Lien Chan’s own aides toward Song Chu-yu or the broader rejection of the PFP and Song Chu-yu within the KMT, the rift between the two men—and between their respective parties—widened steadily during the final two years of Lien Chan’s term. By the end, the discord had escalated to outright public feuding, with media coverage exacerbating the disharmony within the Pan-Blue camp.
The 2008 presidential election now loomed as a daunting challenge. Incumbent President Lien Chan faced relentless attacks from the Pan-Green camp, while former President Chen Shui-bian, who had lost in 2004, seemed poised for a comeback. Meanwhile, the rift between the KMT and the PFP—and with Song Chu-yu in particular—had become glaringly apparent. What prospects remained for the current administration's re-election?
A House Divided Against Itself
On February 14 of last year, the two party leaders of the KMT-PFP, Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu, announced an alliance, pledging to jointly contest the 2004 presidential election. Almost immediately, rumors of a “Lien–Song secret pact” surfaced. Allegedly, before finalizing the “Lien–Song ticket,” the two leaders reached three unwritten agreements in secret: first, Lien Chan would serve only one term and, in 2008, support Song Chu-yu’s bid for the presidency; second, if they won, Song Chu-yu would assume the dual roles of Vice President and Premier; third, should the two parties merge in the future, Song Chu-yu would succeed as party chairman.
On May 18, 2004, the Lien–Song ticket suddenly announced the merger of the KMT and the PFP. The very next day, the Kuomintang’s Central Standing Committee unanimously passed a motion for the two parties to “move from cooperation to a full merger,” planning to ratify it at the “All-Party Congress” scheduled for July. That year, the integration initiated by Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu was driven by multiple forces: Lien Chan’s desperate sense of duty to “save the party” and the urgency of the times; Song Chu-yu’s reluctant yet inevitable support after weighing the pros and cons; the all-out pressure from the Pan-Green camp’s “cutthroat” tactics aimed at securing a “comprehensive, long-term rule”; and the widespread expectation among anti-Chen forces in the public. The combined pressure made the merger seem inevitable.
However, setting a direction did not guarantee smooth sailing. Internal divisions within the Pan-Blue camp soon boiled over—especially with disparaging comments and discontent within the People First Party, as well as fierce opposition from the KMT’s native faction, who viewed the inclusion of the PFP as a threat to their own political interests. Caught amid electoral and partisan entanglements, the effort to merge the two parties ultimately collapsed. Over the years, although Pan-Blue integration held promise, the road was fraught with obstacles, and repeated attempts at KMT-PFP cooperation ended in failure.
After the Lien–Song ticket won the presidency and under mounting pressure to merge, Song Chu-yu revealed on September 1 that, initially, KMT elder Li Huan had lobbied him and Lien Chan to cooperate in the election. Another “star-level political figure” (widely believed to be Ma Ying-jeou) also visited Li Huan, and this person allegedly stated that the idea of the Vice President doubling as Premier was controversial, suggesting instead that Song Chu-yu should assume the role of “chief coordinator” responsible for liaising between the party, government, and legislature. Unexpectedly, this remark sparked an uproar within the KMT, and the individual in question refused to smooth things over on Song Chu-yu’s behalf, leaving him deeply disappointed with the party and unwilling to return to its fold.
Feeling like nothing more than a figurehead Vice President, Song Chu-yu felt deceived by both the KMT and Lien Chan. Whether it was due to the dissatisfaction of Lien Chan’s own aides toward Song Chu-yu or the broader rejection of the PFP and Song Chu-yu within the KMT, the rift between the two men—and between their respective parties—widened steadily during the final two years of Lien Chan’s term. By the end, the discord had escalated to outright public feuding, with media coverage exacerbating the disharmony within the Pan-Blue camp.
The 2008 presidential election now loomed as a daunting challenge. Incumbent President Lien Chan faced relentless attacks from the Pan-Green camp, The "Four Heavenly Kings" of the Democratic Progressive Party are also salivating over the presidency.. Meanwhile, the rift between the KMT and the PFP—and with Song Chu-yu in particular—had become glaringly apparent. What prospects remained for the current administration's re-election?
Taiwanese Soap Opera: Lien Chan Sidelined, Song Chu-yu Becomes Emperor?
Exclusive Insight from an Observer: The Absurd Drama of the KMT-PFP Power Struggle
In 2004, the "dream team" of Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu clinched victory in Taiwan’s presidential election. Blue camp supporters were over the moon, convinced that Taiwan’s "unification cause" was just around the corner. Fast forward a year, and that triumph has morphed into a full-blown political soap opera: President Lien Chan reduced to a shadow, Vice President Song Chu-yu busy "running the country," and the blue camp spiraling into chaos. It’s a spectacle that leaves everyone dumbfounded. As a green camp-supporting online political commentator, I can’t resist pointing out: this KMT-PFP drama outshines even the DPP’s factional squabbles!
Who’s the Real “President”?
Post-election, Lien Chan was supposed to be Taiwan’s top dog. But reality? It’s a cruel punchline. Song Chu-yu—the guy who bolted from the KMT in 2000 to launch his one-man PFP show—now struts around as vice president, acting more like a "super minister." At the Taiwan Business Development Economic Forum, Song Chu-yu held court on cross-strait policies, cameras glued to him, while Lien Chan stood by, flashing awkward smiles and tossing in the occasional word—like some "high-level prop." Last month’s "Cross-Strait Economic and Trade Forum" was peak absurdity: Song Chu-yu yammered on endlessly, with Lien Chan relegated to nodding along like an audience member. The scene was so cringe-worthy it begged for a laugh track. Word on the street in Taiwan? Lien Chan’s presidency is less useful than the potted plant at my doorstep!
It gets wilder. Song Chu-yu’s been "overstepping" into policymaking like it’s his birthright. Insiders spill that during a cabinet meeting, he greenlit an economic stimulus plan while Lien Chan just sat there, blinking. Some KMT old-timers grumble under their breath: “This isn’t a vice president—it’s an ‘acting president’!” But Lien Chan, the KMT’s poster boy for tradition, is steady to a fault—too soft to push back against Song Chu-yu’s bulldozer tactics. He swallows his pride while Song hogs the stage. Voters picked him, yet he’s barely got a voice in his own office. Talk about a presidency that’s “steady” to the extreme!
Lien Chan vs. Song Chu-yu: Personality Determines Fate
Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu are like oil and vinegar. Lien Chan, the KMT’s "party machine" golden child, is steady and traditional but charisma-challenged—branded a “boring aristocrat” in both the 2000 and 2004 races. Song Chu-yu? He’s the populist darling from his 1994 Taiwan governor days. After clashing with Lee Teng-hui in 2000, he birthed the PFP and built his empire by pounding the pavement province-wide. His media charm is off the charts. Now, as vice president, he’s not about to play "spare tire." Ambitious and spotlight-hungry, he’s probably got Lien Chan kicking himself daily: Why didn’t I tap Vincent Siew instead? At least he wouldn’t steal the show.
Song Chu-yu’s hunger for power isn’t news. He outpolled Lien Chan in 2000, and now, with the vice presidency as his launchpad, he’s settling old scores—shoving Lien aside to play "shadow president." KMT veterans are fuming, muttering about being “held hostage by the PFP,” but Song’s grassroots clout and media swagger leave them powerless. Bottom line? Lien Chan’s a “soft persimmon” of a president; Song Chu-yu’s a “smiling tiger” running the game.
KMT and PFP: An “Alliance” That Doesn’t Mix
The KMT-PFP alliance is all smiles on the surface, but it’s oil and water underneath. The KMT’s the old-school unification crew, harping on the “1992 Consensus” and mainland ties. The PFP? More like Song Chu-yu’s personal playground, with policies bending whichever way the wind blows—he’s even been spotted winking at Beijing on the sly. The blue camp preaches “unification,” but they can’t even unify themselves. Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu’s bickering is a textbook “blue camp tearing down its own Great Wall.” KMT insiders gripe: “Song Chu-yu’s a ‘blue skin, green heart’—using the VP gig to juice up the PFP. The KMT’s toast if this keeps up.” Meanwhile, the PFP is Song’s private fiefdom, flexing his VP clout to gobble up turf in local elections while the KMT watches, helpless.
This so-called alliance is flimsy as a paper lantern—one jab and it’s done. Blue camp fans banked on the Lien-Song duo to steady the ship, but six months in, the infighting’s more melodramatic than a TV series. As a Taiwanese identity advocate, I’ve got to ask: with the blue camp busy clawing at itself, who’s looking out for Taiwan’s future? The KMT’s still lost in its “retake the mainland” fantasy, while Song Chu-yu’s likely on the horn with Beijing, ready to trade Taiwan for a pat on the back. Lien Chan’s weak, Song Chu-yu’s power-hungry—can this pair actually run Taiwan? Hilarious! The blue camp’s “pro-China” leanings already spook the green camp, and now this infighting’s shrinking Taiwan’s global wiggle room even more. The U.S. and Japan are gawking: Can we still count on this blue camp?
Here’s the kicker: blue camp diehards are consoling themselves with, “At least it’s better than Chen Shui-bian.” Better? Please! Chen Shui-bian’s got his flaws, but at least the DPP’s got a grip on Taiwanese identity. The KMT-PFP? Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu are too busy scrapping over the throne to give a damn about Taiwan’s tomorrow. It’s getting bluer, alright—but not the blue we’d hope for.
The Soap Opera’s Just Begun
This blue camp circus is only warming up. Lien Chan’s probably polishing desks in the presidential office while Song Chu-yu plays emperor. Taiwan’s future? Good luck—it’s on its own. The blue camp’s infighting doesn’t just tank governance; it’s handing the TSU and DPP a golden chance to jeer: “The blue camp’s a hollow shell now. Unification? Keep dreaming.”
Come 2008? The KMT and PFP will still be duking it out for top dog, and voters will be left shaking their heads: Can we still count on this blue camp?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After the Democratic Progressive Party lost power in 2004, former President Chen Shui-bian temporarily withdrew from the political stage, and within the DPP, the “Four Heavenly Kings” vied for the party’s top leadership and dominant position. Ultimately, You Si-kun,a former Premier from Yilan County, leveraging a strong sense of Taiwanese identity and emerging prominently in the DPP primaries, challenged the incumbent President Lien Chan and Vice President Song Chu-yu, who were seeking re-election in 2008.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After decisively defeating the Chen Shui-bian administration in 2004, incumbent President Lien Chan now faces a challenge in 2008 from former Vice President Lu. As Taiwan’s first female presidential candidate, Lu-Hsiu-lien has successfully secured the DPP’s nomination by rallying strong support from women. Could this be the final showdown between the A-Bian faction and the KMT-PFP faction?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
In 2004, the Chen Shui-bian administration lost by several percentage points to the KMT-PFP alliance led by Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu. Amid the fierce primary contest among the DPP’s "Four Heavenly Kings," Kaohsiung Mayor Hsieh Chang-ting emerged as the DPP’s presidential candidate to challenge incumbent President Lien Chan's bid for re-election. Can this bespectacled Taipei native become the second DPP president?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Since the Chen Shui-bian administration narrowly lost in 2004 to the Pan-Blue camp and the KMT-PFP alliance led by Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu, one of the immensely popular "Four Heavenly Kings," Su Tseng-chang, the former Taipei County magistrate, is now seeking the DPP's nomination for the 2008 presidential election in order to defeat Lien Chan's KMT government and reduce it to a single term. Meanwhile, President Lien Chan is seeking re-election and pledges to secure the Kuomintang's continued hold on power.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
In 2004, after the short-lived DPP regime led by Chen Shui-bian came to an end, the battered Democratic Progressive Party increasingly shifted toward a more radical pro-independence stance. Under these circumstances, a prominent pro-independence leader—Ku Kuan-min, a scion of the influential Gu family from Lukang—stepped into the spotlight and became the chairman of the DPP. He then attempted to challenge incumbent President Lien Chan, who had secured a tremendous victory in 2004, in an effort to preserve the party’s vitality and dynamism, paving the way for a potential return to power in 2012.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
After former President Chen Shui-bian was shot in election, the Democratic Progressive Party lost power in 2004. and within the DPP, the “Four Heavenly Kings” vied for the party’s top leadership and dominant position. Ultimately, You Si-kun,a former Premier from Yilan County, leveraging a strong sense of Taiwanese identity and emerging prominently in the DPP primaries, challenged the incumbent President Lien Chan and Vice President Song Chu-yu, who were seeking re-election in 2008.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
After A-bian was shot in election, the Democratic Progressive Party lost power in 2004, incumbent President Lien Chan now faces a challenge in 2008 from former Vice President Lu. As Taiwan’s first female presidential candidate, Lu-Hsiu-lien has successfully secured the DPP’s nomination by rallying strong support from women. Could this be the final showdown between the A-Bian faction and the KMT-PFP faction?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
After A-bian was shot in election,,DPP lost by several percentage points to the KMT-PFP alliance led by Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu. ,Amid the fierce primary contest among the DPP’s "Four Heavenly Kings," Kaohsiung Mayor Hsieh Chang-ting emerged as the DPP’s presidential candidate to challenge incumbent President Lien Chan's bid for re-election. Can this bespectacled Taipei native become the second DPP president?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
Since the Chen Shui-bian administration and his Successor narrowly lost in 2004 to the Pan-Blue camp and the KMT-PFP alliance led by Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu, one of the immensely popular "Four Heavenly Kings," Su Tseng-chang, the former Taipei County magistrate, is now seeking the DPP's nomination for the 2008 presidential election in order to defeat Lien Chan's KMT government and reduce it to a single term. Meanwhile, President Lien Chan is seeking re-election and pledges to secure the Kuomintang's continued hold on power.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
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Former President Chen Shui-bian makes an astonishing comeback! After witnessing the internal struggles within the Kuomintang and the People First Party over the past four years, as well as the discord between Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu, President Chen Shui-bian has decided to re-enter the fray and vie for the DPP’s presidential nomination for 2008. Will he succeed once again? Will the drama of 2000 be replayed, or will Lien Chan secure re-election? Or perhaps it will be the first time the People First Party ascends to the presidency? The 2008 election promises to be extremely intense!
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Since President Lien Chan took office, the cooperative relationship between the Kuomintang and the People First Party has grown increasingly fragile, and the ties between the Presidential Office and the People First Party have gradually broken down. Ultimately, this led Song Chu-yu to decide to break away and run for president independently, no longer playing second fiddle to the inept "Ah Dou" President Lien Chan. Meanwhile, former Premier You Si-kun, a staunch advocate of the extreme pro-independence faction, secured the DPP's presidential nomination. Where will the 2008 election head? Will the Pan-Blue camp be destroyed by its internal divisions?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Since President Lien Chan took office, the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the People First Party has grown increasingly weak, and the relationship between the Presidential Office and the People First Party has gradually broken down. Ultimately, this led Song Chu-yu to decide to break away and run for president independently, no longer serving as a lackey for the inept President Lien Chan. Meanwhile, Kaohsiung Mayor Hsieh Chang-ting emerged from fierce competition to become the DPP’s presidential candidate. Where will the 2008 election head? Will the Pan-Blue camp be destroyed by its internal divisions?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Since President Lien Chan took office, the cooperative relationship between the Kuomintang and the People First Party has grown increasingly weak, and the ties between the Presidential Office and the People First Party have gradually broken down. Ultimately, this led Song Chu-yu to decide to break away and run for president independently, no longer serving as a lackey for the so-called “Ah Dou” President Lien Chan. Meanwhile, former Taipei County Magistrate—the bespectacled, bald Su Tseng-chang—emerged from the fierce competition among the “Four Heavenly Kings” to become the DPP’s 2008 presidential candidate. Where will the 2008 election head? Will the Pan-Blue camp be destroyed by its internal divisions?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After winning the 2004 election by over 20,000 votes, the Chen Shui-bian administration’s second term quickly began to unravel, severely undermining the DPP's ability to maintain power in 2008. Meanwhile, rising star Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou announced his candidacy for president and is set to engage in a fierce contest against Kaohsiung Mayor Hsieh Chang-ting in 2008. Can the Kuomintang, under this political star, reclaim its lost ground?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After winning the 2004 election, the second term of the Chen Shui-bian administration began to show signs of faltering, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. Meanwhile, a rising star—Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou—announced his candidacy for president and is set to engage in a fierce showdown in 2008 with former Taipei County Magistrate Su Tseng-chang, with the campaign in the northern regions expected to be especially intense. Can the Kuomintang, under this political star, reclaim its lost ground?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After winning the 2004 election, the second term of the Chen Shui-bian administration began to falter, severely undermining the DPP's ability to remain in power in 2008. In the 2005 chairman election, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping unexpectedly defeated popular candidate Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou, and he is set to engage in a fierce showdown with former Taipei County Magistrate Su Tseng-chang in 2008, with the campaign in the northern regions expected to be especially intense. Can the Kuomintang, under this peacemaker, reclaim its lost ground?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
The KMT’s crushing defeat in 2004 led to a painful political climate. The year 2008 was seen as another year in which there appeared to be no chance of reclaiming the presidency, as the DPP presidential candidate Hsieh Chang-ting maintained a lead in the polls. Meanwhile, popular presidential candidates from the KMT opted not to run in order to conserve political energy. Under these circumstances, a Hakka candidate and party chairman Wu Po-hsiung stepped forward, laying the groundwork for a possible return to power for the KMT in 2012.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
Due to the KMT's crushing defeat in 2004, a painful political climate prevailed. The year 2008 was seen as yet another year with no chance of reclaiming the presidency, as the incumbent president Hsieh Chang-ting maintained an edge in the polls. Meanwhile, the popular presidential candidates from the KMT opted not to run in order to conserve political energy. Under these circumstances, a Hakka candidate and party chairman, Wu Po-hsiung, stepped forward, laying the groundwork for a possible return to power for the KMT in 2012.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Due to the KMT's crushing defeat in 2004, a painful political situation ensued. The year 2008 was deemed another year in which there appeared to be no opportunity to reclaim the presidency, as incumbent president Su Tseng-chang held an advantage in the polls. At the same time, the popular presidential candidates from the KMT chose not to run to avoid depleting political energy. In this setting, a Hakka candidate and party chairman, Wu Po-hsiung, stepped forward and laid the foundation for a possible resurgence of the KMT in 2012.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Due to the KMT's crushing defeat in 2004, a painful political climate set in. The year 2008 was considered yet another year with no chance to reclaim the presidency, as incumbent president Lu Hsiu-lien maintained a lead in the polls. At the same time, the popular presidential candidates from the KMT opted not to run in order to conserve political energy. In these circumstances, a Hakka candidate and party chairman, Wu Po-hsiung, stepped forward, laying the groundwork for a potential return to power for the KMT in 2012.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
Owing to the KMT's crushing defeat in 2004, a painful political situation emerged. The year 2008 was seen as another year with no opportunity to reclaim the presidency, as incumbent president You Si-kun maintained an advantage in the polls. Meanwhile, the popular presidential candidates from the KMT chose not to run so as to conserve political energy. Under these conditions, a Hakka candidate and party chairman, Wu Po-hsiung, stepped forward, laying the groundwork for a possible KMT comeback in 2012.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the policy line inherited by the Hsieh Chang-ting government—originally that of Chen Shui-bian—became increasingly dangerous, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to hold power in 2008. In the 2005 chairman election, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping unexpectedly defeated popular candidate Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou, and is set to face incumbent President Hsieh Chang-ting in a fierce showdown in 2008. Can the KMT reclaim its lost territory under this peacemaker’s leadership?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the policy line inherited by the Su Tseng-chang government—originally that of Chen Shui-bian—became increasingly dangerous, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to hold power in 2008. In the 2005 chairman election, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping unexpectedly defeated popular candidate Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou, and is set to face incumbent President Su Tseng-chang in a fierce showdown in 2008. Can the KMT reclaim its lost territory under this peacemaker’s leadership?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the policy line inherited by the Lu Hsiao-lien government—originally that of Chen Shui-bian—gradually drifted further from the center, with her personal unpopularity compounding the issue, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. In the 2005 chairman election, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping unexpectedly defeated popular candidate Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou, and is set to engage in a fierce showdown with incumbent President Lu Hsiu-lien in 2008. Can the KMT reclaim its lost ground under this peacemaker’s leadership?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the policy line inherited by the Hsieh Chang-ting government—originally that of Chen Shui-bian—gradually shifted toward the center and moved closer to Mainland China, angering a segment of Pan-Green voters and severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. In the 2005 chairman election, Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jing-ping unexpectedly defeated popular candidate Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou, and is set to engage in a fierce showdown with incumbent President Hsieh Chang-ting in 2008. Can the KMT reclaim its lost ground under this conciliator’s leadership?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the term of the Hsieh Chang-ting government quickly began to unravel, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. Meanwhile, rising star Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou has announced his candidacy for the presidency and will engage in a fierce showdown with incumbent President Hsieh Chang-ting in 2008. Can the Kuomintang reclaim its lost ground under this political star’s leadership, or will Taiwan remain “green”?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the term of the Su Tseng-chang government quickly began to unravel, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. Meanwhile, rising star Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou has announced his candidacy for the presidency and will engage in a fierce showdown with incumbent President Su Tseng-chang in 2008. Can the Kuomintang reclaim its lost ground under this political star’s leadership, or will Taiwan remain “green”?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the term of the Lu Hsiao-lien government quickly began to unravel, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. Meanwhile, rising star Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou has announced his candidacy for the presidency and will engage in a fierce showdown with incumbent President Lu Hsiu-lien in 2008. Can the Kuomintang reclaim its lost ground under this political star’s leadership, or will Taiwan remain “green”?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After narrowly winning the 2004 election, the term of the You Si-kun government quickly began to unravel, severely undermining the DPP’s ability to maintain power in 2008. Meanwhile, rising star Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou has announced his candidacy for the presidency and will engage in a fierce showdown with incumbent President You Si-kun in 2008. Can the Kuomintang reclaim its lost ground under this political star’s leadership, or will Taiwan remain “green”?
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After President Lien Chan was elected in 2004, the Kuomintang and the People First Party promptly merged. During this process, Vice President Song Chu-yu rejoined the Kuomintang and amassed significant power, successfully securing Lien Chan’s support on the condition that he serve only one term, thereby endorsing Song Chu-yu’s bid for the presidency in 2008. Meanwhile, the Democratic Progressive Party fielded Kaohsiung Mayor Hsieh Chang-ting to challenge the soon-to-be-outgoing Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in: 
After President Lien Chan was elected in 2004, the Kuomintang and the People First Party immediately merged, and during this process, Vice President Song Chu-yu rejoined the Kuomintang and amassed significant power. He successfully secured Lien Chan's support on the condition that Lien serve only one term, thereby endorsing Song Chu-yu’s bid for the presidency in 2008. Meanwhile, the Democratic Progressive Party fielded former Taipei County Magistrate Su Tseng-chang to challenge the outgoing Lien Chan and Song Chu-yu.
THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
ROC'08
Please select the election you will run in:
In 2004, after the short-lived DPP regime led by Chen Shui-bian came to an end, the battered Democratic Progressive Party increasingly shifted toward a more radical pro-independence stance. Under these circumstances, a prominent pro-independence leader—Ku Kuan-min, a scion of the influential Gu family from Lukang—stepped into the spotlight and became the chairman of the DPP. He then attempted to challenge incumbent President Lien Chan, who had secured a tremendous victory in 2004, in an effort to preserve the party’s vitality and dynamism, paving the way for a potential return to power in 2012.
- Name: ${pot_run_mat[0].fields.first_name} ${pot_run_mat[0].fields.last_name}
- Party: ${pot_run_mat[0].fields.party}
- Home State: ${pot_run_mat[0].fields.state}
` let vp_screen = document.createElement("div"); vp_screen.classList.add("inner_window_w_desc"); vp_screen.id = "inner_window_4"; vp_screen.innerHTML = vp_html; changeGameDisp(true); gameWindow.appendChild(vp_screen); // now we make the stuff do stuff! $("#running_mate_id").change((_e)=>{ _e.preventDefault(); let value = Number($("#running_mate_id").val()); let i = potential_running_mate_pks.findIndex(f=>f === value); let screen_html = `
- Name: ${pot_run_mat[i].fields.first_name} ${pot_run_mat[i].fields.last_name}
- Party: ${pot_run_mat[i].fields.party}
- Home State: ${pot_run_mat[i].fields.state}